IGNOU MPSE 004 Solved Assignment 2022-23

IGNOU MPSE 004 Solved Assignment 2022-23 , MPSE 004 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT IN MODERN INDIA Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free : MPSE 004 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 , IGNOU MPSE 004 Assignment 2022-23, MPSE 004 Assignment 2022-23 , MPSE 004 Assignment , MPSE 004 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT IN MODERN INDIA Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free IGNOU Assignments 2022-23- MASTER’S DEGREE PROGRAMME IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Courses Assignment 2022-23 Gandhi National Open University had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for MASTER’S DEGREE PROGRAMME IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Courses Programme for the year 2022-23.

IGNOU MA Political Science courses give students the freedom to choose any subject according to their preference.  Students are recommended to download their Assignments from this webpage itself. Study of Political Science is very important for every person because it is interrelated with the society and the molar values in today culture and society. IGNOU solved assignment 2022-23 ignou dece solved assignment 2022-23, ignou ma sociology assignment 2022-23,  meg solved assignment 2022-23, mpc solved assignment 2022-23 .

IGNOU MPSE 004 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

: Answer any five questions in about 500 words each. Attempt at least two questions from each section. Each question carries 20 marks.


Q. 1. Discuss the nature of state and sovereignty in ancient India.

The Nature of State and Sovereignty in Ancient India

State and Sovereignty in Ancient India : In lineage society during the mid-first millennium BC, the essential unit was family under the control of the senior most male member. the top person exercised his authority over the clans through kinship and rituals. The families were tied together due to the genealogical relationships. The kin connections and wealth led to differentiations between the ruler and therefore the ruled within the society. The state system emerged due to the increase , shift from pastoral to peasant economy, socio-cultural heterogeneity and various other factors.

Romila Thaper in her seminal work on social formation (History and Beyond, collection of essays) says extensive trade, the autumn of political elite and democratic process resulted within the shift towards state system. State and Sovereignty in Ancient India  With the formation of state, the difficulty of governance became a serious concern of the society. In Mahabharata, there’s reference to Matsyanyaya, a condition during which small fishes become prey to big fishes.

It happens during a society where there’s no authority. To avoid such a crisis, people agreed to possess a group of laws and that they selected an individual to become the ruler or appealed to the God for a king who will maintain law and order within the society. There are thus references to both Divine Origin of Kingship and agreement Theory of Kingship. State and Sovereignty in Ancient India  Various studies however, suggest that the polity emerged as an independent domain. Monarchy was the dominant sort of government within the early Indian polity. As mentioned within the Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata, there have been seven constituents of the State.

What is State ?

A State is a set of institutions that possess the authority to make the rules that govern the people in one or more societies, having internal and external sovereignty over a definite territory.

  • In Max Weber’s influential definition, it is that organization that has a “monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory.” The Nature of State and Sovereignty in Ancient India, It thus includes such institutions as the armed forces, civil service or state bureaucracy, courts and police.
  • ‘’Geographically delimited segment of human society bound by a common obedience to a single sovereign.’’

Beginning of state formation in India

The Nature of State and Sovereignty in Ancient India, State could come about only through creation and appropriation of surplus

  • Therefore state formation is linked with growth and spread of agriculture, consequently trade, industry and urbanisation
  • In ancient India this process began with the spread of agriculture along river valleys
  • Agricultural surplus generated led to trade, commerce and urbanisation
  • The first states (Janapadas) came about in these river valleys
  • Pattern replicated in the South and east


For State and Sovereignty in Ancient India , The three theories of origin of state in ancient India are as follows: 1. Social Contract Theory 2. Divine Origin Theory 3. Organic Theory.

The core issues in the study of political science are the state and the government. The institution of state is studied in relation to its origin, nature, aims and functions of the state in ancient India. The dawn of civilization was stated to have marked the beginning of the origin of state.

The state in ancient India was considered necessary, for it ensures peace, order and happiness. It was a social organization with political power. However, ancient scholars were not unanimous in their opinion with regard to the origin of the state. According to some, state was the outcome of a contract mainly political in nature between the rulers and the ruled.

Social Contract Theory:

In the State and Sovereignty in Ancient India : The social contract theory, one of the common theories of the origin of state, believes that state is a result of a contract between the king and his subjects or representatives. The king, thus appointed, was expected to save the state and the subjects from external aggression and establish order and security within the state. However, the earliest Vedic works never stated that state was the result of a contract. But, they clarified that king was elected to wage a successful war against the demons.

Divine Origin Theory:

This theory of origin of kingship as well as the state was not widely acclaimed in the ancient Indian polity. The king, according to this theory, was a subordinate to law, which was made by the society and not him. The community as a whole was given greater importance than the king. The king was not allowed to act indiscriminately and was expected to act as a father to his subjects, and treat them with affection and kind­ness.

Organic Theory:

This theory holds the view that state is like an organism and that each organ has a specific function to perform. The theory believes that the healthy functioning of the whole organism depends upon the healthy conditions of each part of the body or organism and its efficient functioning.

The seven parts of the body, that is, state are the king or the sovereign, the minister, the territory and population, the fortified city or the capital, the treasury, the army, the friends and the allies. State and Sovereignty in Ancient India , Among all the seven elements or parts, it is the king who is most important.

2. Write an essay on the construction of India in the 19th century.


In this unit I shall introduce you the various aspects of Indian National Movement during its earlier phase. Resistance to British rule had always been there, but it was in 1857 that large sections of Indian people in various regions made a combined effort to overthrow the British. That is why it is often termed as the first war of independence. Due to certain weaknesses the uprising was crushed by the British, but as far as the struggle was concerned there was no going back. This inspired a new kind of struggle. The intelligentsia, which earlier believed in the benevolence of British rule, now came forward to expose its brutality.

Political associations were formed and the Indian National Congress played a vital role in directing the freedom struggle. The main focus of this unit is the role of moderates and militant nationalists and the efforts made during the Swadeshi Movement to involve the masses into the freedom struggle.

This was also a period of cultural renaissance as far as the Indian society is concerned. Many social and religious reformers took up the battle against the social and religious evils that existed in our society. This contributed immensely towards the making of a new India.

Pre-Gandhi Era

 The First War of Independence

In 1857, there occurred a revolt, popularly known as the India’s First War of Independence, where millions of soldiers, artisans and peasants made a combined effort to overthrow foreign rule. The Revolt was, however, a no sudden occurrence. It was the culmination of nearly a century-old discontent with the British policies and imperialist exploitation. The British conquered India and colonized its economy and society through a prolonged process. This process led to continuous resistance by the people through a series of civil rebellions led by deposed rulers, impoverished zamindars and poligars (landed military magnates in South India) and ex-officials of the conquered Indian states. The mass base of these rebellions came from the ruined peasants and artisans and demobilized soldiers. Starting with the Sanyasi rebellion and Chuar uprising in Bengal and Bihar in the 1760s, there was hardly a year without armed opposition or a decade without a major armed rebellion in one part of the country or the other. From 1763 to 1856 there were more than 40 major rebellions apart from hundreds of minor ones. Though massive in their totality, these rebellions were, however, wholly local in character and effects and were isolated from each other.


The Revolts of 1857 started on 10 May when the Company’s Indian soldiers (sepoys) at Meerut rebelled, killed their European officers, marched to Delhi, entered the Red Fort and proclaimed the aged and powerless Bahadur Shah 11 (who still bore the prestigious name of the Mughals) as the Emperor of India.

The Company’s sepoys had many grievances against their employers, ranging from declining material and other service conditions to religious interference and racial arrogance. But basically they reflected the general discontent with British rule. They were after all a part of Indian society and they were ‘peasants in uniform’. The hopes, desires, despair and discontent of other sections of Indian society were reflected in them. The sepoys’ rebellion was a product of the accumulated grievances of the Indian people. The most important underlying cause of the Revolt was the disruption of the traditional Indian economy and its subordination to British economy and the intense economic exploitation of the country. Above all, the colonial policy of intensifying land revenue demand led to a large number of peasants losing their land to revenue farmers, traders and moneylenders. Destruction of traditional handicrafts ruined and impoverished millions of artisans. The economic decline of peasantry and artisans was reflected in 12 major and numerous minor famines from 1770 to 1857.

Extent and intensity

The Revolt of 1857 swept Northern India like a hurricane. Nearly half of East India Company’s Indian soldiers rebelled. Everywhere in Northern India, the soldiers’ rebellion was followed by popular revolts of the civilian population. According to one estimate, of the total number of about 1,50,000 men who died fighting the English in Avadh, over 1,00,000 were civilians. The Revolt soon embraced a wide area engulfing Avadh, Rohilkhand, the Duab, the Bundelkhand, Central India, large parts of Bihar, and East Punjab. There were uprising in Rajasthan at Nasirabad, Nimach and Kota. Even in Kolhapur the sepoys rose in arms. In many of the princely states of these regions, the rulers remained loyal to the British but the soldiers and people joined the rebels or refused to fight against them.


In the end, British imperialism, at the height of its power the world over, succeeded in ruthlessly suppressing the Revolt. The reasons were many. Despite its wide reach, the Revolt could not embrace the entire country or all sections of Indian society. Bengal, South India and large parts of Punjab remained outside its reach since these areas had already exhausted themselves through prolonged rebellions and struggle against the British. Most rulers of Indian states and the big zamindars remained loyal to the foreign rulers. Thus, Scindhia of Gwalior, Holkar of Indore, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Rajput rulers of Jodhpur and many other Rajputana states, the Nawab of Bhopal, the rulers of Patiala and Kashmir, the Ranas of Nepal, and many other rulers and chieftains gave active support to the British in suppressing the Revolt.

In general, merchants and moneylenders either supported the British or refused to help the rebels. The modem educated Indians also did not support the Revolt. The leaders of the Revolt fought with courage, but could neither coordinate their struggle nor evolve a unified high command. Instead, they indulged in constant petty quarrels. The rebels were short of modern weapons and often had to fight with primitive weapons such as swords and spikes. They were very poorly organized. The sepoys were brave but at times there was lack of discipline which affected their military efficiency.

Early Phase of Nationalism

The defeat of the Revolt of 1857 made it clear that uprisings based on old outlooks and social forces could not defeat modern imperialism. For that, new social forces, new ideologies, a modern political movement based on an understanding of modern imperialism and capable of mobilizing the masses for nationwide political activity were needed. Such a movement was initiated during the second half of the 19th century by modern nationalist intelligentsia. The new movement had a much narrower social base, but was inspired by new political ideas, new intellectual perception of reality and new social, economic and political objectives. It also represented new forces and forms of struggle, new leading classes and new techniques of political organization.

Many factors were responsible for the rise of this powerful movement.

Role of the Intellectuals

Initially, this process was grasped only by the modern Indian intellectuals. Paradoxically, during this first half of the 19th century, they had adopted a very supportive approach towards colonial rule for the following reasons:

They had believed that the restructuring of Indian society could occur under British rule because Britain was the most advanced country of the time.

They hoped that the British would help India get rid of its past backwardness.

The intellectuals, attracted by modem industry and the prospects of modern economic development, hoped that, Britain would industrialize India and introduce modern capitalism.

They believed that Britain, guided by the doctrine of democracy, civil liberties, and sovereignty of the people, would introduce modern science and technology and modern knowledge in India, leading to the cultural and social regeneration of its people.

Role of Colonial state

The open reactionary character of Lytton’s Viceroyalty from 1876 to 1880 quickened the pace of Indian nationalism. The list of some of the reactionary methods adopted by Lytton is:

The Arms Act of 1878 disarmed the entire Indian people at one stroke.

The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 sought to suppress the growing Indian criticism of British rule.

The reduction of the maximum age for sitting in the Indian Civil Service Examination from 21 years to 19 further reduced the chances of Indians entering the Civil Service.

The holding of a lavish imperial Durbar (in 1877) at a time when millions of Indians were dying of famine and waging a costly war against Afghanistan at the cost of the Indian economy.

The removal of import duties on British textile imports threatened the existence of the newly rising Indian textile industry.

3. Examine the arrival of nationalism in early 19th century India. 

Origins of the nationalist movement

The Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held its first meeting in December 1885 in Bombay city while British Indian troops were still fighting in Upper Burma. Thus, just as the British Indian empire approached its outermost limits of expansion, the institutional seed of the largest of its national successors was sown. Provincial roots of Indian nationalism, however, may be traced to the beginning of the era of crown rule in Bombay, Bengal, and Madras. Nationalism emerged in 19th-century British India both in emulation of and as a reaction against the consolidation of British rule and the spread of Western civilization. There were, moreover, two turbulent national mainstreams flowing beneath the deceptively placid official surface of British administration: the larger, headed by the Indian National Congress, which led eventually to the birth of India, and the smaller Muslim one, which acquired its organizational skeleton with the founding of the Muslim League in 1906 and led to the creation of Pakistan.

Many English-educated young Indians of the post-mutiny period emulated their British mentors by seeking employment in the ICS, the legal services, journalism, and education. The universities of Bombay, Bengal, and Madras had been founded in 1857 as the capstone of the East India Company’s modest policy of selectively fostering the introduction of English education in India. At the beginning of crown rule, the first graduates of those universities, reared on the works and ideas of Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Macaulay, sought positions that would help them improve themselves and society at the same time. They were convinced that, with the education they had received and the proper apprenticeship of hard work, they would eventually inherit the machinery of British Indian government. Few Indians, however, were admitted to the ICS; and, among the first handful who were, one of the brightest, Surendranath Banerjea (1848–1925), was dismissed dishonourably at the earliest pretext and turned from loyal participation within the government to active nationalist agitation against it. Banerjea became a Calcutta college teacher and then editor of The Bengalee and founder of the Indian Association in Calcutta. In 1883 he convened the first Indian National Conference in Bengal, anticipating by two years the birth of the Congress Party on the opposite side of India. After the first partition of Bengal in 1905, Banerjea attained nationwide fame as a leader of the swadeshi (“of our own country”) movement, promoting Indian-made goods, and the movement to boycott British manufactured goods.

During the 1870s young leaders in Bombay also established a number of provincial political associations, such as the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha (Poona Public Society), founded by Mahadev Govind Ranade (1842–1901), who had graduated at the top of the first bachelor of arts class at the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai) in 1862. Ranade found employment in the educational department in Bombay, taught at Elphinstone College, edited the Indu Prakash, helped start the Hindu reformist Prarthana Samaj (Prayer Society) in Bombay, wrote historical and other essays, and became a barrister, eventually being appointed to the bench of Bombay’s high court. Ranade was one of the early leaders of India’s emulative school of nationalism, as was his brilliant disciple Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866–1915), later revered by Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi (1869–1948) as a political guru (preceptor). Gokhale, an editor and social reformer, taught at Fergusson College in Poona (Pune) and in 1905 was elected president of the Congress Party. Moderation and reform were the keynotes of Gokhale’s life, and by his use of reasoned argument, patient labour, and unflagging faith in the ultimate equity of British liberalism, he was able to achieve much for India.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920), Gokhale’s colleague at Fergusson College, was the leader of Indian nationalism’s revolutionary reaction against British rule. Tilak was Poona’s most popular Marathi journalist, whose vernacular newspaper, Kesari (“Lion”), became the leading literary thorn in the side of the British. The Lokamanya (“Revered by the People”), as Tilak came to be called after he was jailed for seditious writings in 1897, looked to orthodox Hinduism and Maratha history as his twin sources of nationalist inspiration. Tilak called on his compatriots to take keener interest and pride in the religious, cultural, martial, and political glories of pre-British Hindu India; in Poona, former capital of the Maratha Hindu glory, he helped found and publicize the popular Ganesha (Ganapati) and Shivaji festivals in the 1890s. Tilak had no faith in British justice, and his life was devoted primarily to agitation aimed at ousting the British from India by any means and restoring swaraj (self-rule, or independence) to India’s people. While Tilak brought many non-English-educated Hindus into the nationalist movement, the orthodox Hindu character of his revolutionary revival (which mellowed considerably in the latter part of his political career) alienated many within India’s Muslim minority and exacerbated communal tensions and conflict.

The viceroyalties of Lytton and Lord Ripon (governed 1880–84) prepared the soil of British India for nationalism, the former by internal measures of repression and the futility of an external policy of aggression, the latter indirectly as a result of the European community’s rejection of his liberal humanitarian legislation. One of the key men who helped arrange the first meeting of the Congress was a retired British official, Allan Octavian Hume (1829–1912), Ripon’s radical confidant. After retiring from the ICS in 1882, Hume, a mystic reformer and ornithologist, lived in Simla, where he studied birds and theosophy. Hume had joined the Theosophical Society in 1881, as had many young Indians, who found in theosophy a movement most flattering to Indian civilization.

Helena Blavatsky (1831–91), the Russian-born cofounder of the Theosophical Society, went to India in 1879 to sit at the feet of Swami Dayananda Sarasvati (1824–83), whose “back to the Vedas” reformist Hindu society, the Arya Samaj, was founded in Bombay in 1875. Dayananda called on Hindus to reject the “corrupting” excrescences of their faith, including idolatry, the caste system, and infant marriage, and to return to the original purity of Vedic life and thought. The Swami insisted that post-Vedic changes in Hindu society had led only to weakness and disunity, which had destroyed India’s capacity to resist foreign invasion and subjugation. His reformist society was to take root most firmly in the Punjab at the start of the 20th century, and it became that province’s leading nationalist organization. Blavatsky soon left Dayananda and established her own “Samaj,” whose Indian headquarters were outside Madras city, at Adyar. Annie Besant (1847–1933), the Theosophical Society’s most famous leader, succeeded Blavatsky and became the first and only British woman to serve as president of the Congress Party (1917).


The early Congress movement

The first Congress Party session, convened in Bombay city on December 28, 1885, was attended by 73 representatives, as well as 10 more unofficial delegates; virtually every province of British India was represented. Fifty-four of the delegates were Hindu, only two were Muslim, and the remainder were mostly Parsi and Jain. Practically all the Hindu delegates were Brahmans. All of them spoke English. More than half were lawyers, and the remainder consisted of journalists, businessmen, landowners, and professors. Such was the first gathering of the new India, an emerging elite of middle-class intellectuals devoted to peaceful political action and protest on behalf of their nation in the making. On its last day, the Congress passed resolutions, embodying the political and economic demands of its members, that served thereafter as public petitions to government for the redress of grievances. Among those initial resolutions were calls for the addition of elected nonofficial representatives to the supreme and provincial legislative councils and for real equality of opportunity for Indians to enter the ICS by the immediate introduction of simultaneous examinations in India and Britain.

4. Elaborate upon the religio-political ideas of Dayanand Saraswati.

5. Describe the importance of Lal_Bal_Pal in the nationalist movement.

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Write a short note on each part of the following questions in about 250 words.

6. a) Swami Vivekananda on Nationalism 

b) Sri Aurobindo’s critique of political moderates in India

7. a) V.D. Savarkar’s views on social change 

b) Negative and positive Hindutva a of M.S. Golwrkar

8. a) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan on Hindu–Muslim unity 

b) E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker on Dravidian Mobilisation

9. a) Philosophical Foundations of Gandhi’s political perspective 

b) Jawaharlal Nehru’s Scientific Humanism

10. a) Dr. B.R. Ambedkar on religion and caste 

b) Rabindranath Tagore’s critique of nationalism

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IGNOU MPSE 004 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

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