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IGNOU BPSE 141 Solved Assignment 2022-23
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Important Note – IGNOU BPSE 141 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free You may be aware that you need to submit your assignments before you can appear for the Term End Exams. Please remember to keep a copy of your completed assignment, just in case the one you submitted is lost in transit.
Submission Date :
- 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
- 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).
Answer the following in about 500 words each in Section A. Each question carry 20 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in Section B. Each question carry 10 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in Section C. Each question carry 6 marks.
1. What is new the concept of development? Critically examine Gandhi’s thoughts on
The UN Millennium Declaration of September 2000 indicates eight millennium development goals: eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary education, promote gender equality and empower women, reduce child mortality, improve maternal health, combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensure environmental sustainability, and develop a global partnership for development. When we think of Gandhi in this context, we realize that his ideas are of crucial importance. His life remained ‘experiments with Truth’ and his concerns embraced the whole of human race and not just India, South Africa and England. His principles, evolved during his life span 1869 to 1948, cover not just the last part of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, but rather transcend any time-frame.
The world has changed dramatically since he lived and worked. There have been enormous changes in political, economic and social scenes. However, trials, tribulations, and challenges faced by Mahatma in his eventful life remain important. The moral issues he raised are still relevant; and the questions he posed for social, economic, and political justice still remain of crucial importance.
The prevalent methods of measuring development in terms of economic progress, industrialization, consumption of energy and urbanization have proved to be inadequate to address the issue of the miseries of the millions. Gandhi was aware of the pitfalls of such a theory and the results of the unequal distribution of wealth between different classes in a society. Today science and technology have taken unprecedented strides, and yet millions live in utter poverty; basic human rights are denied to them, powerful nations dominate over the powerless ones and innocent people become victims of terrorism. It is in this dismal situation that Gandhian perspective becomes useful.
The quintessence of Gandhian philosophy is that the human values and not the market should govern life. Service of the teeming millions, the poor – Daridranarayan – is of the utmost importance. Gandhi presents the’ humane face of development. Ghosh brings out the following basic objectives of the Gandhian scheme of holistic development-(l) human development (including moral development) for capability expansion, (2) development in a balanced way through manual and intellectual labour (development of body, mind and soul), (3) development with social justice, rights and freedom. This is in accordance with the principle of social and human development. (4) attainment of self-sufficiency and self-reliance through rural development, (5) reduction in poverty through the generation of additional income and employment. (Ghosh, 2007: 213)
Gandhi aims at what we may call sustainable development, balanced development of body, mind and soul. Gandhi had realized that human development is not just material or economic; it has to be moral, it should be able to instill the values of equality, liberty and dignity in the people; it must provide the persons with courage to protest against injustice. His emphasis on decentralization, community based economics, self-sufficiency, handicrafts, rural development, and use of low capital intensive appropriate technology indicate his vision for a self-sufficient economy.
According to Gandhi nature provides just enough, and not more, for our daily needs. He opposes exploitation, ruthless drive for economic abundance and personal aggrandizement, massive technological progress, severe competitions, unbridled consumerism and concentration of wealth and power. In his opinion, greed is detrimental to social good and political emancipation without economic equality is hollow. For him economics stands for social justice. (Harijan, October 9, 1937) He emphasizes decentralized self- dependent units bound together by the bonds of mutual cooperation and interdependence.
For him the development of the individual and the development of the society are intertwined. His ultimate goal was sarvodaya (the development of all in all facets of life). The concept of Sarvodaya presupposes the principle of justice. Sarvodaya generates movements for changes, outward as well as inward and strives for egalitarian social order based on truth, nonviolence and purity of means. Gandhi never compromised at the cost of individual freedom, equality and social justice; his principle of nonviolence was not a mere philosophical principle but it was the rule of life. He had visualized an India where “all interests not in conflict with the interests of the dumb millions will be scrupulously respected, whether indigenous or foreign.” (Young India, September 10,1931).
Gandhi’s basic aim was to have an all-round development of the society that included human development along with socio-economic- political development. Gandhian programme is holistic and multidimensional. The objective of his constructive work is the creation of non-violent society. Gandhi envisages a healthy society based on harmony and dialogue, where the ideas of equality and justice are translated in the lives of teeming millions. Commenting on man’s social nature, Gandhi writes/’ If it is his privilege to be independent it is equally his duty to be independent…It will be possible to reconstruct our villages so that villages collectively, not villagers individually, will become self-contained.” (Young India, April 25, 1929).
Gandhi believes in the unity of life and egalitarian values in all spheres of life. According to him life cannot be divided in sphere like social, political, economic, moral and religious. If one part of the society suffers, all parts suffer. We get an important insight from J. B. Kripalani and Dada Dharmadhikari. (Thakkar and Mehta, 2011). J. B. Kriplani points out that it is not unusual to have saints among us – saints who meditate for salvation and who are concerned with the uplift of the soul. It is their contribution to the evolution to the human history in an indirect way. But Gandhi was concerned in a direct way. Social involvement is very important to him. Gandhi visualized a society of diverse people based on mutual understanding, mutual cooperation and mutual respect. He wanted freedom and equality for all. Gandhi transcends barriers of religion, rituals, caste, class and colour. Dada Dharmadhikari points out that Gandhi had ‘no business other than life, an integrated life’. He never ran away from any situation, he faced it. His concept of life was all comprehensive; for him nothing was separate and everything was harmonized. He added social dimension to morality that was unique. He practiced what he preached and did everything possible to identify himself with the common man, ordinary man, suffering man. When India became independent, he was not in the capital to celebrate, but was with the riot-stricken people.
Gandhi did not claim to be a prophet or even a philosopher. “There is no such thing as Gandhism,” he warned, “and I do not want to leave any sect after me.” There was only one Gandhian, he said, an imperfect one at that: himself.
The real significance of the Indian freedom movement in Gandhi’s eyes was that it was waged nonviolently. He would have had no interest in it if the Indian National Congress had adopted Satyagraha and subscribed to nonviolence. He objected to violence not only because an unarmed people had little chance of success in an armed rebellion, but because he considered violence a clumsy weapon which created more problems than it solved, and left a trail of hatred and bitterness in which genuine reconciliation was almost impossible.
This emphasis on nonviolence jarred alike on Gandhi’s British and Indian critics, though for different reasons. To the former, nonviolence was a camouflage; to the latter, it was sheer sentimentalism. To the British who tended to see the Indian struggle through the prism of European history, the professions of nonviolence rather than on the remarkably peaceful nature of Gandhi’s campaigns. To the radical Indian politicians, who had browsed on the history of the French and Russian revolutions or the Italian and Irish nationalist struggles, it was patent that force would only yield to force, and that it was foolish to miss opportunities and sacrifice tactical gains for reasons more relevant to ethics than to politics.
Gandhi’s total allegiance to nonviolence created a gulf between him and the educated elite in India which was temporarily bridged only during periods of intense political excitement. Even among his closest colleagues there were few who were prepared to follow his doctrine of nonviolence to its logical conclusion : the adoption of unilateral disarmament in a world armed to the teeth, the scrapping of the police and the armed forces, and the decentralization of administration to the point where the state would “wither away”. Nehru, Patel and others on whom fell the task of organizing the administration of independent India did not question the superiority of the principle of nonviolence as enunciated by their leader, but they did not coperider it practical politics. The Indian Constituent Assembly include a majority of members owing allegiance to Gandhi or at least holding him in high esteem, but the constitution which emerged from their labours in 1949 was based more on the Western parliamentary than on he Gandhian model. The development of the Indian economy during the last four decades cannot be said to have conformed to Gandhi’s conception of “self-reliant village republics”. On the other hand, it bears the marks of a conscious effort to launch an Indian industrial revolution.
Jawaharlal Nehru-Gandhi’s “political heir”-was thoroughly imbued with the humane values inculcated by the Mahatma. But the man who spoke Gandhi’s language, after his death, was Vinoba Bhave, the “Walking Saint”, who kept out of politics and government, Bhave’s Bhoodan (land gift) Movement was designed as much as a measure of land reform as that of a spiritual renewal. Though more than five million acres of land were distributed to the landless, the movement, despite its early promise, never really spiraled into a social revolution by consent. This was partly because Vinoba Bhave did not command Gandhi’s extraordinary genius for organizing the masses for a national crusade, and partly because in independent India the tendency grew for the people to look up to the government rather than to rely on voluntary and cooperative effort for effecting reforms in society.
Soon after Gandhi’s death in 1948, a delegate speaking at the United Nations predicted that “the greatest achievements of the Indian sage were yet to come” “Gandhi’s times,” said Vinoba Bhave, “were the first pale dawn of the sun of Satyagraha.” Forty years after Gandhi’s death, this optimism would seem to have been too high-pitched. The manner in which Gandhi’s techniques have sometimes been invoked even in the land of his birth in recent years would appear to be a travesty of his principles. And the world has been in the grip of a series of crises in Korea, the Congo, the Vietnam, the Middle East, and South Africa with a never-ending trail of blood and bitterness. The shadow of a thermo-nuclear war with its incalculable hazards continues to hang over mankind. From this predicament, Gandhi’s ideas and techniques may suggest a way out. Unfortunately, his motives and methods are often misunderstood, and not only by mobs in the street, Not long ago, Arthur Koestler described Gandhi’s attitude as one “of passive submission to bayonetting and raping, to villages without sewage, septic childhood’s and trachoma.” Such a judgement is of course completely with the same tenacity with which he battled with the British Raj. He advocated nonviolence not because it offered an easy way out, but because he considered violence a crude and in the long run, an ineffective weapon. His rejection of violence stemmed from choice, not from necessity.
Horace Alexander, who knew Gandhi and saw him in action, graphically describes the attitude of the nonviolent resister to his opponent: “On your side you have all the mighty forces of the modern State, arms, money, a controlled press, and all the rest. On my side, I have nothing but my conviction of right and truth, the unquenchable spirit of man, who is prepared to die for his convictions than submit to your brute force. I have my comrades in armlessness. Here we stand; and here if need be, we fall.” Far from being a craven retreat from difficulty and danger, nonviolent resistance demands courage of a high order, the courage to resist injustice without rancour, to unite the utmost firmness with the utmost gentleness, to invite suffering but not to inflict it, to die but not to kill.
1. Mahatma Gandhi views on Religion
2. Mahatma Gandhi views on ‘Practice of Politics”.
3. Gandhi’s idea of modern Civilisation
4. What is Gandhian Ethics? Discuss with reference to its application in public service.
5. Why is Pacifism important for conflict resolution?
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IGNOU BPSE 141 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.
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