IGNOU BPSC 105 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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IGNOU BPSC 105 Solved Assignment 2022-2023

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Important Note – IGNOU BPSC 105 Solved Assignment 2022-2023  Download Free You may be aware that you need to submit your assignments before you can appear for the Term End Exams. Please remember to keep a copy of your completed assignment, just in case the one you submitted is lost in transit.

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

There are three Sections in the Assignment. You have to answer all questions in the
Sections.

Answer the following in about 500 words each in section I and Each question carries 20 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in section II and Each question carries 10 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in section III and Each question carries 6 marks

SECTION – I

Q.1. New Institutionalism uses a variety of methodological approaches to explain how norms, rules, culture and structures constrain and influence individuals within a political institution. Explain.

Neoinstitutionalism, also spelled neo-institutionalism, also called new institutionalism, methodological approach in the study of political science, economics, organizational behaviour, and sociology in the United States that explores how institutional structures, rules, norms, and cultures constrain the choices and actions of individuals when they are part of a political institution. Such methodology became prominent in the1980s among scholars of U.S. politics. That so-called new institutionalism combined the interests of traditionalist scholars, who focused on studying formal institutional rules and structures, with behavioralist scholars, who examined the actions of individual political actors.

History

From the 1930s through the 1950s, traditionalist scholars dominated political science as a discipline, especially in the United States. Those scholars were most interested in examining the formal structures and rules that were the foundation of political and governmental institutions such as the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Traditionalist studies were often descriptive in nature, used mostly qualitative methods, and usually did not use broad theories to ground their observations in a larger theoretical perspective. Often, traditionalist scholars were quite normative in their desire to describe how political institutions ought to function, as opposed to the empirical study of how things actually worked in practice.Beginning in the 1960s, political scientists began to move away from focusing on political institutions and instead almost exclusively studied the actions of individual political actors. That so-called behavioral or behavioralist revolution strove to make the study of politics more scientific, and quantitative methods came to predominate in political science. Behavioralists would, for example, focus on specific decisions of individual judges or choices made by individual members of Congress rather than on the rules and structures of the courts and the role of Congress in the broader system of government. The hope was that political scientists would develop broad theoretical approaches that would be validated by quantitative empirical methods, thus moving political science away from the disciplines of history, law, and philosophy and instead bringing it closer to the scientific approaches of economics, sociology, and psychology.By the mid-1980s many political scientists had begun to question whether the discipline should continue to ignore the traditionalist interest in political institutions—but without abandoning what behavioralists had learned in examining the choices of individuals. They also worried that behavioralism could bring the field only so far and that perhaps nothing more could be learned from that approach. Therefore, a “postbehavioralist” movement, neoinstitutionalism, arose, designed in part to bring the study of institutions back into the discipline.




The new institutionalist approach has its roots in the early to mid-1980s. Often considered two of the leading founders of the new institutionalism, American political scientist James G. March and Norwegian political scientist Johan P. Olsen published a very influential piece, “The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life” (1984), followed by a book, Rediscovering Institutions: The Organizational Basis of Politics (1989). They continued to argue for further institutional analysis in Democratic Governance (1995). In each piece, March and Olsen argued that political scientists needed to rediscover institutional analysis in order to better understand the behaviour of individual political actors within political institutions. In other words, according to those authors, studying individual political behaviour without examining institutional constraints on that behaviour was giving scholars a skewed understanding of political reality.
Streams of neoinstitutionalism
One of the reasons that there is no single agreed-on definition of a political institution is that the neoinstitutionalist approach encompasses a wide variety of complementary, but clearly different, methodologies. There are at least three branches of neoinstitutionalism: rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism, and historical institutionalism.

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Rational choice institutionalism
Rational choice institutionalism, which has its roots in economics and organizational theory, examines institutions as systems of rules and incentives. Rules are contested so that one group of political actors can gain leverage over another. Political decision making is explained through modeling assumptions and game theory, as challengers and holders of political power pit themselves against one another. Thus, rational choice scholars often focus on a single institution in a specific time frame, although some look at institutions across time.
Sociological institutionalism
This stream, which has its roots in sociology, organizational theory, anthropology, and cultural studies, stresses the idea of institutional cultures. Scholars of this stream view institutional rules, norms, and structures not as inherently rational or dictated by efficiency concerns but instead as culturally constructed. They tend to look at the role of myth and ceremony in creating institutional cultures, as well as the role of symbol systems, cognitive scripts, and moral templates. At times they take on a normative (usual and customary) approach to the study of political institutions, and they tend to blur the line between institutions and culture. Their work often focuses on questions of the social and cultural legitimacy of the organization and its participants.

Historical institutionalism

Historical institutionalism is the hardest of the three streams to define because it includes so many different scholars and so many different methodological approaches. It is based on the assumption that institutional rules, constraints, and the responses to them over the long term guide the behaviour of political actors during the policy-making process. Historical institutionalism mixes the quantitative analysis of the rational choice stream with the idea- and culture-based thought of the sociological stream. It includes an eclectic group of scholars with a wide variety of research agendas.Despite the differences, there are some common notions in this line of research. Historical institutionalists seek to define and explain specific real-world political outcomes, such as an election, using the historical legacy of institutional structures and feedbacks available to them. They also view politics as a competition over scarce resources and highlight differences in political power between institutions, such as between the courts and the legislature. They consider decision trees and path dependence, terms of art meaning the effects that one decision has to limit the available future choices for any political actor or institution. Historical institutionalists note that institutions do not perform with perfect efficiency (because they were designed in earlier times) and institutional rules (such as the insistence on supermajorities or unanimity in voting) are slow to change, and, thus, those factors must be taken into account in any analysis.

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Q.2. Critically examine the issues and problems arising from capitalist development in contemporary times.

Advocates and critics of capitalism agree that its distinctive contribution to history has been the encourage ment of economic growth. Capitalist growth is not, however, regarded as an unalloyed benefit by its critics. Its negative side derives from three dysfunctions that reflect its market origins. 
Many critics have alleged that the capitalist system suffers from inherent instability that has characterized and plagued the system since the advent of industrialization. Because capitalist growth is driven by profit expectations, it fluctuates with the changes in technological or social opportunities for capital accumulation. As opportunities appear, capital rushes in to take advantage of them, bringing as a consequence the familiar attributes of a boom. Sooner or later, however, the rush subsides as the demand for the new products or services becomes saturated, bringing a halt to investment, a shakeout in the main industries caught up in the previous boom, and the advent of recession. Hence, economic growth comes at the price of a succession of market gluts as booms meet their inevitable end.

Moving from specific examples of distribution to a more general-level, the criticism may be broadened to an indictment of the market principle itself as the regulator of incomes. An advocate of market-determined distribution will declare that in a market-based society, with certain exceptions, people tend to be paid what they are worth-that is, their incomes will reflect the value of their contribution to production. Thus, market-based rewards lead to the efficiency of the productive system and thereby maximize the total income available for distribution. This argument is countered at two levels. Marxist critics contend that labourers in a capitalist economy are systematically paid less than the value of their work by virtue of the superior bargaining power of employers, so that the claim of efficiency masks an underlying condition of exploitation.

A second criticism with respect to market-driven growth focuses on the adverse side effects generated by a system of production that is held accountable only to the test of profitability. It is in the nature of a complex industrial society that the production processes of many commodities generate “bads” as well as “goods”-e.g., toxic wastes or unhealthy working conditions as well as useful products.

The catalog of such market-generated ills is very long. Smith himself warned that the division of labour, by routinizing work, would render workers “as stupid and ignorant as it is possible for a human creature to become,” and Marx raised the spectre of alienation as the social price paid for subordinating production to the imperatives of profit making. Other economists warned that the introduction of technology designed to cut labour costs would create permanent unemployment. In modern times much attention has focused on the power of physical and chemical processes to surpass the carrying capacity of the environment-a concern made cogent by various types of environ mental damage arising from excessive discharges of industrial effluents and pollutants. Because these social and ecological challenges spring from the extraordinary powers of technology, they can be viewed as side effects of socialist as well as capitalist growth. But the argument can be made that market growth, by virtue of its overriding obedience to profit, is congenitally blind to such externalities. 

A third criticism of capitalist growth concerns the fairness with which capitalism distributes its expanding wealth or with which it shares its recurrent hardships. This criticism assumes both specific and general forms. 

The specific form focuses on disparities in income among layers of the population. In the early 21st century in the United States, for example, the lowest fifth of all households received only 3.1 per cent of total income, whereas the topmost fifth received 51.9 per cent. Significantly, this disparity results from the concentration of assets in the upper brackets. Also, the disparity is the consequence of highly skewed patterns of corporate rewards that typically give, say, chief executive officers of large companies an average of 265 times more income than those of ordinary office or factory employees. Income disparities, however, should be understood in perspective, as they stem from a number of causes.

SECTION – II

1. Describe the distinct features of the state in the developing world.
2. Trace the evolution of the practice of parliamentary supremacy in the United Kingdom.
3. Critically examine the functioning of federalism in Brazil. 

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SECTION – II

1. Case study as a methods for comparion
2. New Institutionalism Mode of Production
3. Theory of Modernization
4. Reforms of Deng Xiaoping
5. Ethnic Diversity and Federalism in Nigeria

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IGNOU BPSC 105 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
  2. Write your enrolment number, name, full address and date on the top right corner of the first page of your response sheet(s).
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IGNOU BPSC 105 Solved Assignment 2022-23 You will find it useful to keep the following points in mind:

  1. Planning: Read the questions carefully. IGNOU BPSC 105 Assignment 2022-23 Download Free Download PDF Go through the units on which they are based. Make some points regarding each question and then rearrange these in a logical order. And please write the answers in your own words. Do not reproduce passages from the units.
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