IGNOU BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 , BPSC 104 POLITICAL PROCESS IN INDIA Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free : BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 , IGNOU BPSC 104 Assignment 2022-23, BPSC 104 Assignment 2022-23 , BPSC 104 Assignment , BPSC 104 POLITICAL PROCESS IN INDIA Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free IGNOU Assignments 2022-23- Political Science Assignment 2022-23 Gandhi National Open University had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for BA Political Science Programme for the year 2022-23. Students are recommended to download their Assignments from this webpage itself. Study of Political Science is very important for every person because it is interrelated with the society and the molar values in today culture and society. IGNOU solved assignment 2022-23 ignou dece solved assignment 2022-23, ignou ma sociology assignment 2022-23 meg 10 solved assignment 2022-23 ts 6 solved assignment 2022-23 , meg solved assignment 2022-23 .
- 1 IGNOU BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023
- 2 Q.1. Explain the relationship between political parties and democracy.
- 3 Q.2. Elaborate upon the reasons for the separate statehood movements in India.
- 4 1. Discuss the process of reorganization of states in Northeast India. 2. Define insurgency, and how does it differ from terrorism? 3. Explain the evolution of party systems in India.
- 5 1. Write a brief note on the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). 2. What are the important factors that impact the voting behaviour of tribes? 3. What is the difference between two-party and multi-party systems? 4. What were the main causes of insurgency in Punjab? 5. What are the features of autonomy movements?
- 6 Get BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free Now here from this website.
- 7 GUIDELINES FOR IGNOU Assignments 2022-23
- 8 IGNOU Assignment Front Page
- 9 BPSC 104 Handwritten Assignment 2022-23
IGNOU BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023
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Important Note – IGNOU BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free You may be aware that you need to submit your assignments before you can appear for the Term End Exams. Please remember to keep a copy of your completed assignment, just in case the one you submitted is lost in transit.
Submission Date :
- 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
- 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).
There are three Sections in the Assignment. You have to answer all questions in the
Answer the following in about 500 words each in section I and Each question carries 20 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in section II and Each question carries 10 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in section III and Each question carries 6 marks
SECTION – I
Q.1. Explain the relationship between political parties and democracy.
The Origins of Political Parties
Political parties are endemic to democracy. However, they are not part of the formal definition of democracy; nor do the constitutions of most democracies dictate a role for parties. Indeed, in most countries, parties operate in a realm little regulated by statutory law. In the United States, the founders were dead set against parties. Madison, in Federalist 10, drew no distinction between parties and factions—“a minority or majority” united by “some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community” (1982 :43)—but he realized that the price paid in liberty of eliminating the cause of parties would be too great. Parties, then, were an inevitable by-product of the liberties associated with a republican community combined with the human propensity toward division and conflict; “where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions” (1982 :44). Despite the efforts of founders, including the authors of the Federalist papers, to design institutions to control parties and factions, within a decade of the birth of the American state they had begun to organize the new nation’s political life (see Hofstadter 1969).
Many contemporary students of democracy give a more upbeat answer to the question, “Why parties?” A leading answer is that legislative politics is unstable without parties; hence, legislators who want to get something done and who want their preferred policies to prevail will form parties. Far from an unfortunate consequence of human nature plus liberal freedoms, parties introduce effectiveness into democratic institutions.
POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY
What Are Political Parties?
Democracy induces governments to be responsive to the preferences of the people. This, at least, is a central claim of many democratic theorists. According to Dahl (1971:1), “continuing responsiveness of the government to the preferences of its citizens [is] a key characteristic of democracy,” and equivalent claims abound. Yet, just as responsiveness of governments to the people’s will is normatively controversial, the degree of responsiveness of elected governments is disputed (see S Stokes 1998a, Przeworski et al 1999). Postwar democratic theory often asserts that political parties transmit popular preferences into policy. Echoing Schattschneider, Key wrote that an “essential function” of parties is to obtain “popular consent to the course of public policy” (1958:12). Yet here again much rides on one’s view of political parties. By some accounts, parties force elected governments to be responsive to constituents. Others claim parties make governments unresponsive. Much is at stake in the competing perspectives on political parties.
Beginning in the northwest cell of Table 1, spatial theory in its early form assumed parties that were single-mindedly interested in attaining office and were internally unified around this goal. Downs invoked the metaphor of parties as teams (Downs 1957, Black 1958). Parties were assumed to move freely across the policy space in pursuit of votes. The prediction that parties would converge at a single point (the position of the median voter) raised troubling questions about the degree of choice voters faced. Yet, for the most part, ideological displacement in pursuit of votes was regarded as what made governments responsive. Electoral competition induced parties, and hence governments, to give voters what they wanted, just as economic competition induced firms to produce what consumers wanted. Barry (1978:99–100) noted the parallel between spatial theory and the invisible hand: “[J]ust as the baker provides us with bread not out of the goodness of his heart but in return for payment, so the politician supplies the policies we want not to make us happy but to get our votes.”
Moving to the northeast cell, a later set of writers, still influenced by spatial theory, relaxes the assumption of preference- or ideology-free parties and explores the implications for party competition when parties care about policies as well as about winning (Wittman 1977, 1983;, Calvert 1985;, Chappell & Keech 1986). Calvert shows that if the distribution of voters across the policy space is known, even parties with ideological commitments will converge around the position of the median voter. The prediction is identical to that of Downs under the assumption of office-seeking parties [Ledyard (1984), Coughlin (1984), Hinich (1977) show that the convergence result is more general than the median voter theorem]. Calvert reasons that unless a party wins the election, its opportunities to pursue its preferred policies are nonexistent; hence it will be willing to (almost) entirely give away its preferred position in order to win. Thus, the original spatial model’s prediction of party responsiveness to voter preferences generalizes to the case of ideological parties.5
The nearest approach to a theory in which parties care about expressing policy positions but are indifferent to winning is Edelman’s (1964). Such parties can be thought of as gaining consumer utility from the expression of a preference or ideology, but few examples of such behavior among political parties are to be found.
The story is different if the distribution of voter preferences is unknown. In this case, the behavior of office-seeking versus ideological parties should diverge. Office-seeking parties are expected to use available information to form a belief about the median voter’s ideal point and adopt that position; assuming the available information is the same, both parties will form the same conjecture and arrive at the same position.
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Q.2. Elaborate upon the reasons for the separate statehood movements in India.
According to Article 3 Indian constitution has provisions for creation of new states out of one or more existing states. Constitutionally, it is the President who has the power to initiate the process for creation of new state or states. He can do itown his own or he can do it in consultation with the state from which new state has to be carved out. Such state or states can request the President about its willingness to carve a new state out of its/their existing size. The concerned state or states do so by passing a resolution in the state legislature to this effect. In the light of the resolution, the President may ask the Union government to present a bill for passage in the both houses of Parliament. If passed by the both houses, it is sent to President for getting his/her consent, after President gives consent, the (bill/decision) is notified and the process of creation of the new state begins. It is important to note that often political expediency impacts the interpretation of Article 3. Despite the President having power to initiate the process for creation of new states, he does so in consultation (resolution) of the state government. The passage of the resolution also depends on political bargaining or assessment of political implications by political parties in power and in opposition. It has generally been observed, that while in opposition, the parties have supported the demand for creation of new states. But they have opposed it while in the government.
Since the demands for creation of new states are raised in specific regions within one or more states, the factors that cause the rise of such movements can be found in the grievances of such regions. These are multiple actors that become the basis of grievances. The factors are related to language, culture, customs, religion, historical background, and level of development. The advocates of new states allege that their regions are discriminated or remain neglected on the grounds of such factors. Together, they become the basis of formation of regional identities, which result in general of movement for creation of separate states. It is important to note that though the multiple factors become the reasons for generation of movements for separate states, some of these factors are more important in some movements than the other factors. In some movements, language is more determining factor than others; in some it is development, in some it is ethnicity and in some it is religion. The relative effectiveness of these factors has varied according to different phases of movements and different regions.
SECTION – II
1. Discuss the process of reorganization of states in Northeast India.
2. Define insurgency, and how does it differ from terrorism?
3. Explain the evolution of party systems in India.
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SECTION – II
1. Write a brief note on the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).
2. What are the important factors that impact the voting behaviour of tribes?
3. What is the difference between two-party and multi-party systems?
4. What were the main causes of insurgency in Punjab?
5. What are the features of autonomy movements?
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IGNOU BPSC 104 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.
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BPSC 104 Handwritten Assignment 2022-23
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