IGNOU MPSE 008 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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IGNOU MPSE 008 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

: Answer any five questions in about 500 words each. Attempt at least two questions from each section. Each question carries 20 marks.

Section-A

1. Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India.

This is a list of proposed states and union territories in India. The constitutional power to create new states and union territories in India is solely reserved with the Parliament of India. The parliament can do so by announcing new states/union territories, separating territory from an existing state or merging two or more states/union territories or parts of them. In addition to the existing 28 states and 8 union territories, several new states and union territories have been proposed throughout India’s history.

The Indian constitution under (Part I:The Union and its territory) allows certain provisions for the creation of new states and union territories:

  1. Name and territory of the union.
  2. Admission or establishment of new states.
  3. Formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of other existing states.
  4. Laws made under articles 2 and 3 to provide for the amendment of the First and the Fourth Schedules and supplemental, incidental and consequential matters.

However, at the same time, demanding separate statehood from an existing state can lead to criminal charges under the secession law in India.

History

Before independence, India was divided into British-administered provinces and nominally autonomous princely states, which were governed by the British administration. After the partition of India, some of these administrative divisions became part of the Dominion of Pakistan, whilst the remaining states and provinces formed the Dominion of India. The colonial system of administration continued until 1956 when the States Reorganisation Act abolished the provinces and princely states in favour of new states which were based on language and ethnicity.

Several new states and union territories have been created out of the existing states since 1956. The Bombay Reorganisation Act split the Bombay State into the present-day states of Gujarat and Maharashtra on 1 May 1960 on a linguistic basis. The state of Nagaland was created on 1 December 1963. The Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966 carved out a new Hindi-speaking state of Haryana from the southern districts of Punjab state, transferred the northern districts to Himachal Pradesh and designated a union territory around Chandigarh, the shared capital of Punjab and Haryana.

Statehood was conferred upon Himachal Pradesh on 25 January 1971, and upon Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura on 21 January 1972. The Kingdom of Sikkim joined the Indian Union as a state on 26 April 1975. In 1987, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram became states on 20 February, followed by Goa on 30 May of the same year. Goa’s northern exclaves of Daman and Diu became a separate union territory.

Three new states were created in November 2000: Chhattisgarh (1 November) was created out of eastern Madhya Pradesh; Uttaranchal (9 November), which was later renamed Uttarakhand, was created out of the mountainous districts of northwest Uttar Pradesh; and Jharkhand (15 November) was created out of the southern districts of Bihar.

On 2 June 2014, Telangana was separated from Andhra Pradesh as the 29th state of the union. On 31 October 2019, Jammu and Kashmir state was split into two new Union Territories: Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. On 26 January 2020, the Union Territory of Daman and Diu and the Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli were merged into one Union Territory: the Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu.

India may have 50 states in near future if all statehood demands are conceded.

Andhra Pradesh

Rayalaseema

This proposed state would consist of eight districts, namely Kurnool, Nandyal, Anantapur, Sri Sathya Sai, Kadapa, Annamayya, Tirupati and Chittoor. Rayalaseema Parirakshana Samithi is a political party formed by Byreddy Rajasekhar Reddy in 2013 advocating for a separate Rayalaseema state. There have also been demands to include the two coastal districts of Prakasam and Nellore district to form Greater Rayalaseema.

Assam

Bodoland

The agitation for the creation of a separate Bodoland state resulted in an agreement between the Indian Government, the Assam state government and the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force. According to the agreement made on 10 February 2003, the Bodoland Territorial Council, an entity subordinate to the government of Assam, was created to govern four districts covering 3082 Bodo Kachari-majority villages in Assam. Elections to the council were held on 13 May 2003, and Hagrama Mohilary was sworn in as the chief of the 46-member council on 4 June.

Bihar

Bhojpur

There have been demands for a Bhojpur state, comprising the Bhojpuri speaking districts of western Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh.

Delhi

The political administration of Delhi more closely resembles that of a state than a union territory, with its own legislature, high court and an executive council of ministers headed by a Chief Minister. New Delhi is jointly administered by the union government and the local government of Delhi. The previous National Democratic Alliance government introduced a bill in Parliament in 2003, to grant full statehood to Delhi, however the legislation was not passed.

Gujarat

Bhil Pradesh

The establishment of Bhil Pradesh has been a demand for over 30 years. The Daily News and Analysis reported in 2013 that the formation of the Telangana state has reignited hopes of statehood to this region, comprising the tribal-dominated parts of Gujarat and neighbouring states Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra.

Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu state and Kashmir state

Ethnic Kashmiri leaders, including writer and opinion leader Ghulam Nabi Khayal, have called for the division of Jammu and Kashmir into separate states as a possible solution to the Kashmir conflict. The proposed state of Kashmir comprises the Kashmir Division and the proposed state of Jammu comprises the Jammu Division. Demographically, the Jammu region is very different from the Kashmir valley. It is primarily inhabited by Dogras, Gujjars and Sikhs who speak the Dogri, Gojri, Punjabi languages.

In late 2020, IkkJutt Jammu was launched as a party and demanded that the Jammu Division should be separated and given statehood. The party also supports splitting Kashmir Division into two union territories, with one for Kashmiri Hindus.

Karnataka

Karu Nadu

North Karnataka is a geographical region consisting of mostly semi-arid plateau from 300 to 730 metres (980 to 2,400 ft) elevation that constitutes the northern part of the Karnataka state in India. It is drained by the Krishna River and its tributaries the Bhima, Ghataprabha, Malaprabha, and Tungabhadra. North Karnataka lies within the Deccan thorn scrub forests ecoregion, which extends north into eastern Maharashtra.

There is a notable difference from the regions of Old Mysore, Coastal Karnataka and Central Karnataka in terms of language, cuisine and culture. The region is well known for its contributions to the literature, arts, architecture, economy and politics of Karnataka.

Madhya Pradesh

Madhya Pradesh is the second largest Indian state by area, holding nearly 9.37% of the country’s land area and approximately 10% of its population. The regions of Madhya Pradesh are very ethno-linguistically diverse and often hold no connection to each other. Naturally, this has led to several proposals to divide the state into smaller states, each with homogeneous populations.

Maharashtra

Konkan

The Konkan region is a section of land along the north-western coast of India and the north Western Ghats, Konkan lies in between the Deccan plateau and the Arabian sea. It consists of the westernmost districts of Damaon, Maharashtra & Goa. The ancient sapta-Konkan is a slightly larger region described in the Sahyadrikhanda which refers to it as “Parashuramakshetra”. The proposed Konkan state includes the historically Konkani speaking districts of the Konkan division, Goa and Damaon and a portion of the Carwar district


2. What has been the impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India?

India under the British Raj had witnessed a lot of such atrocious regulations that exploited the poor and helpless in many aspects. Among them, land ownership contributed significantly to preventing the socio-economic growth of the backward population.

The instruments that are visualized for social justice are known as Land Reforms. It is because the Land Reforms that are divided as the sharp class division which is between the rich Landowning classes and the impoverished peasants who have no security of tenure seek to do away with the exploitative relationships. It is a step that is taken against the concentration of Landholdings in the hands of non-cultivating owners or few absentees, who on the size of holdings impose the ceilings and those Landholdings can be owned by families. Mainly, the concept of redistribution of Land is studied under Land Reforms but their scope is much wider. 

Why Were the Land Reforms Introduced?

Almost all agricultural lands of India before independence were owned by intermediaries, like jagirdars and zamindars, among others, and not by the farmers who worked in these lands to produce crops. These farmers naturally suffered from exploitation when the landowners paid no heed in agricultural requirements and were solely concerned about the rent they collected from these labourers.

Objectives of Land Reforms

The Indian government aimed at speeding up the socio-economic advancement of rural India and its agricultural industries with this land reform system. Some of the main objectives of Land Reforms are listed below-

  • The primary objective concerned an overall renewal of law structure for agricultural lands in India.
  • These acts aimed at an equal and uniform distribution of agricultural lands so that concentration of ownership was not in few hands.
  • Abolition of intermediaries of the medieval land-ownership system in India.
  • Facilitating optimum agricultural produce with healthy and economic practices.
  • Ensuring social and economic justice for previous violations of the tiller’s rights.
  • Uniform ownership of land would prevent exploitation of tenant farmers and will help in reducing rural poverty.
  • Elimination of the exploitation in the Land relations.
  • To increase agricultural production and infuse equality in society.
  • To restructure the agrarian relations in order to achieve an egalitarian social structure.
  • To realize the age-old goal of Land to the tiller.

Land Reform- Types

Pre-Independence:

  • The farmers did not have ownership of the Lands in which they used during the British Raj.
  • The Landlords of those Lands were Jagirdars, zamindars, etc.
  • Many issues were confronted in front of the government and it became a challenge in front of independent India. 

Post-Independence:

Read on to get detailed descriptions on some of the most notable acts from the long list of land reforms in India since independence.

The Land Reforms in post-independent India had various components:

  • Abolition of Intermediaries- The first step taken by the Indian government under land reforms post-independence was passing the Zamindari Abolition Act. The abolition of the zamindari system was done that removed the layer of intermediaries who used to stand between the state and the cultivators. In many areas, superior rights were taken away from the zamindars and weakened their economic and political power.

The primary reason of a backward agrarian economy was the presence of intermediate entities like, jagirdars and zamindar who primarily focussed on collecting sky-rocketing rents catering to their personal benefits, without paying attention to the disposition of farms and farmers. Abolition of such intermediaries not only improved conditions of farmers by establishing their direct connection with the government but also improved agricultural production.

  • Regulation of Rents

This was in direct response to the unimaginably high rents which were charged by intermediaries during British rule, which resulted in a never-ending cycle of poverty and misery for tenants. Indian government implemented these regulations to protect farmers and labourers from exploitation by placing a maximum limit on the rent that could be charged for land. 

  • Tenancy Reform- The tenancy Reform led to the introduction of regulation of rent, providing security tenure, and conferring ownership to the tenants. In the pre-independence period, the rent which was paid by the tenants was exorbitant producing 35% to 75% of gross throughout the country. The primary attempt of the Reform was either to regulate rents and give some security to the tenants or outlaw tenancy altogether.

Legislations were passed in all states of the country to grant tenants with permanent ownership of lands and protection from unlawful evictions on expiry of the lease. This law protects tenants from having to vacate a property immediately after their tenure is over unless ordered by law. Even in that case, ownership can be regained by tenants with the excuse of personal cultivation. 

  • Ceilings on Landholdings- This Reform referred to the legal stipulation of maximum size after which no farm household or farmer can hold any Land. By the year 1961-62 the government of all states passed the Land ceiling acts and in order to bring uniformity across states, a totally new ceiling policy was evolved in 1971.

This law was enacted to prevent the concentration of land ownership in a few hands. It placed an optimum limit on the total measure of land which an individual or a family can hold. Along with fixation of land ceilings, this rule enables the government to take ownership of the additional or extra amount of land, which in turn, is given to minor tillers or farmers with no land. 

With the help of these Reforms, the states were able to identify and take possession of Lands exceeding the ceiling limits from the households and redistribute them to the Landless families.

  • Consolidation on Land Holdings- The term consolidation referred to the redistribution or reorganization of the fragmented Lands into one single plot. The trend of the fragmentation of Land increased because of the growing population and fewer work opportunities and this fragmentation made the personal supervision and the irrigation management tasks very difficult. Therefore, the act of Landholdings consolidation was introduced which states that if there are few plots of Lands of a farmer then those Lands were consolidated in one bigger piece which was done by the process of exchanging or purchasing.

A major problem of the agrarian structure of India is land fragmentation, which hinders large-scale farming and production. This problem was solved with this regulation which permitted farmers to consolidate minor fragments of land owned by them into a singular piece of land. This enabled tenants to carry out agricultural operations in a larger field, which could be done by exchanging land or purchasing additional pieces.

3. Examine the response of the states in India to industrialization and economic reforms.

The 1991 economic crisis, essentially a balance of payments problem, is generally seen as the overriding factor that led to the dismantling of the licence/quota raj, but that is only partly true. The lacunae of the industrial and trade policies were well documented both within and outside the government. Contrary to the perception of reforms being foisted on the government by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), these reforms were entirely “made in India”.

The New Industrial Policy saw the light of day in 1991 for a variety of reasons. Industries were struggling, but the government’s budgetary constraints in 1991 meant it could not provide funds for investment in industrial activity, either directly or through banks. Access to private capital and the de-licensing of industrial activity became necessary. As one of the senior bureaucrats involved in the process put it to me, “What would we have told the country? Hawa khao? (Eat air?).”

However, such was the nature of the crisis that it did not make industrial reforms inevitable. The funding squeeze was temporary, after all. The government could have kicked the reform question into the long grass and still have rode out the crisis. The IMF had been pretty generous with its lending terms the previous time India had gone banging on its doors in 1981. Status quo could still have ruled.

But as the saying goes, there is nothing like a crisis to concentrate the mind—it provided an urgency to revamp the Indian economic architecture, and cover for politically difficult decisions. As in most things, luck played a crucial part. The providential promotion of a bureaucrat and a strategic ministerial portfolio allocation made sure that bureaucratic and political inertia could be overcome. Here’s how it all came together.

The intellectual impetus for deregulation came from the weight of reports commissioned by the government over several decades. From the 1960s on, there was a large body of work within the government in response to the dissatisfaction with the licensing regime. The strange thing was that while each committee had recorded the problems with the set-up extremely well, it would nevertheless recommend only a further tightening of the regime.

So, for example, the Bureau of Industrial Costs and Prices—a long forgotten advisory body that existed till the 1990s—did some very good studies on the price structures of commodities such as coal, steel, cement, aluminium and drugs, highlighting the problems therein. But what did it recommend? Price controls.

Political resistance to reform was strong and that was reflected in the official recommendations, if not the analysis. Interestingly, there was also little academic pressure for deregulation, apart from the seminal work of Jagdish Bhagwati and Padma Desai.

That changed in the 1980s, when various committees were appointed, all of which were in the direction of liberalization, one way or another. So, the same Bureau of Industrial Costs and Prices now did a succession of reports on steel, cement, etc, each of which recommended deregulation. The success of East Asian economies had made the government more receptive to these recommendations.

When the V.P. Singh government came to power in December 1989, he wanted to differentiate himself from the Congress. During his time as finance minister to Rajiv Gandhi, Singh had acquired a reputation for being a liberal reformer. The reform process under the Congress government, however, had stalled in the aftermath of the political maelstrom caused by the Bofors scandal, which also resulted in Singh’s dismissal as minister in 1987.

And so, when Singh became the prime minister, there was a renewed focus on industrial reforms. It was against this backdrop that Amar Nath Verma and Rakesh Mohan submitted a set of policy recommendations that were the basis for the New Industrial Policy.


4. What are the key issues and trends in Center -State relations in contemporary Indian
politics?
5. Explain the challenges of ethnic minorities in India.

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IGNOU MPSE 008 Solved Assignment 2022-23




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Section-B

Write a short note on each part of the following questions in about 250 words.

6. a) Election Commission
b) Pattern of communal politics in India

7. a) Impact of privatization on the working class
b) Bhoodan movement


8. a) Autonomy movements
b) Development means different things to different people.

9. a) Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha
b) Nature of boundary disputes in India

10. a) Constitutional mechanism for resolving inter-state disputes
b) Politics of linguistic minorities.


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IGNOU MPSE 008 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
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