IGNOU MPSE 011 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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IGNOU MPSE 011 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

: Answer any five questions in about 500 words each. Attempt at least two questions from each section. Each question carries 20 marks.

Section-A

1. Examine the major milestones in the integration of Europe.

European integration is the process of industrial, economic, political, legal, social, and cultural integration of states wholly or partially in Europe or nearby. European integration has primarily come about through the European Union (EU) and its policies.

History

In antiquity, the Roman Empire brought about integration of multiple European and Mediterranean territories. The numerous subsequent claims of succession of the Roman Empire, even the iterations of the Classical Empire and its ancient peoples, have occasionally been reinterpreted in the light of post-1950 European integration as providing inspiration and historical precedents. Of those in importance would have to include the Holy Roman Empire, the Hanseatic League, the Kalmar Union, the Jagiellonian dynasty and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Peace of Westphalia, the Napoleonic Continental System, the Russian Empire, the Habsburg Monarchy, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Holy Alliance, as well as the unifications of Germany, Italy, and the Southern Slavs.

On the other hand, a number of European unification attempts have become a dystopian anti-inspiration and a warning for the future European Fathers against the threat of European unity in a degenerate version, including the Concert of Europe, the Soviet Union, the German-occupied Europe, and the Cold War Europe divided between two blocks.

Following the catastrophe of the First World War, thinkers and visionaries from a range of political traditions again began to float the idea of a politically unified Europe. In the early 1920s a range of internationals were founded (or re-founded) to help like-minded political parties to coordinate their activities. These ranged from the Comintern (1919), to the Labour and Socialist International (1921) to the Radical and Democratic Entente of centre-left progressive parties (1924), to the Green International of farmers’ parties (1923), to the centre-right International Secretariat of Democratic Parties Inspired by Christianity (1925). While the remit of these internationals was global, the predominance of political parties from Europe meant that they facilitated interaction between the adherents of a given ideology, across European borders. Within each political tradition, voices emerged advocating not merely the cooperation of various national parties, but the pursuit of political institutions at the European level.

One of the first to articulate this view was Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi, who outlined a conservative vision of European unity in his Pan-Europa manifesto (1923). The First Paneuropean Congress took place in Vienna in 1926, and the association possessed 8000 members by the time of the Wall Street Crash. The aim was for a specifically Christian, and by implication Catholic, Europe. The British civil servant and future Conservative minister Arthur Salter published a book advocating The United States of Europe in 1933.

In contrast the Soviet commissar (minister) Leon Trotsky raised the slogan “For a Soviet United States of Europe” in 1923, advocating a Europe forcibly united along communist principles.

Among liberal-democratic parties, the French centre-left undertook several initiatives to group like-minded parties from the European states. In 1927, the French politician Emil Borel, a leader of the centre-left Radical Party and the founder of the Radical International, set up a French Committee for European Cooperation, and a further twenty countries set up equivalent committees. However, it remained an elite venture: the largest committee, the French one, possessed fewer than six-hundred members, two-thirds of whom were parliamentarians. Two centre-left French prime ministers went further. In 1929 Aristide Briand gave a speech in the presence of the League of Nations Assembly in which he proposed the idea of a federation of European nations based on solidarity and in the pursuit of economic prosperity and political and social co-operation. In 1930, at the League’s request, Briand presented a Memorandum on the organisation of a system of European Federal Union. The next year the future French prime minister Édouard Herriot published his book The United States of Europe. Indeed, a template for such a system already existed, in the form of the 1921 Belgian and Luxembourgish customs and monetary union.

Support for the proposals by the French centre-left came from a range of prestigious figures. Many eminent economists, aware that the economic race-to-the-bottom between states was creating ever greater instability, supported the view: these included John Maynard Keynes. The French political scientist and economist Bertrand Jouvenel remembered a widespread mood after 1924 calling for a “harmonisation of national interests along the lines of European union, for the purpose of common prosperity”. The Spanish philosopher and politician, Ortega y Gasset, expressed a position shared by many within Republican Spain: “European unity is no fantasy, but reality itself; and the fantasy is precisely the opposite: the belief that France, Germany, Italy or Spain are substantive & independent realities.” Eleftherios Venizelos, Prime Minister of Greece, outlined his government’s support in a 1929 speech by saying that “the United States of Europe will represent, even without Russia, a power strong enough to advance, up to a satisfactory point, the prosperity of the other continents as well”.

Between the two world wars, the Polish statesman Józef Piłsudski envisaged the idea of a European federation that he called Międzymorze (“Intersea” or “Between-seas”), known in English as Intermarum, which was a Polish-oriented version of Mitteleuropa.

The Great Depression, the rise of fascism and communism and subsequently World War II prevented the inter war movements from gaining further support: between 1933 and 1936 most of Europe’s remaining democracies became dictatorships, and even Ortega’s Spain and Venizelos’s Greece had both been plunged into civil war. But although the supporters of European unity, whether social-democratic, liberal or Christian-democratic, were out of power during the 1930s and unable to put their ideas into practice, many would find themselves in power in the 1940s and 1950s, and better-placed to put into effect their earlier remedies against economic and political crisis.

At the end of World War II, the continental political climate favoured unity in democratic European countries, seen by many as an escape from the extreme forms of nationalism which had devastated the continent. In a speech delivered on 19 September 1946 at the University of Zürich in Switzerland, Winston Churchill postulated a United States of Europe. The same speech however contains remarks, less often quoted, which make it clear that Churchill did not initially see Britain as being part of this United States of Europe:

We British have our own Commonwealth of Nations … And why should there not be a European group which could give a sense of enlarged patriotism and common citizenship to the distracted peoples of this turbulent and mighty continent and why should it not take its rightful place with other great groupings in shaping the destinies of men? … France and Germany must take the lead together. Great Britain, the British Commonwealth of Nations, mighty America[,] and I trust Soviet Russia—for then indeed all would be well—must be the friends and sponsors of the new Europe and must champion its right to live and shine.

We must build a kind of United States of Europe. In this way only, will hundreds of millions of toilers be able to regain the simple joys and hopes which make life worth living.

— Winston Churchill

2. Critically analyse the nature of EU- India relations.

India–European Union relations

Relations between the European Union and the Republic of India are currently defined by the 1994 EU–India Cooperation Agreement. The EU is a significant trade partner for India and the two sides have been attempting to negotiate a free trade deal since 2007. Indo-EU bilateral trade (excluding services trade) stood at US$104.3 billion in the financial year 2018–19.
Trade

The EU is India’s largest trading partner with 12.5% of India’s overall trade between 2015 and 2016, ahead of China (10.8%) and the United States (9.3%). India is the EU’s 9th largest trading partner with 2.4% of the EU’s overall trade. Bilateral trade (in both goods & services) reached €115 billion in 2017 EU exports to India have grown from €24.2 billion in 2006 to €45.7 billion in 2018. India’s exports to the EU also grew steadily from €22.6 billion in 2006 to €45.82 billion in 2018, with the largest sectors being engineering goods, pharmaceuticals, gems and jewellery, other manufactured goods and chemicals. Trade in services has also tripled between 2005 and 2016, reaching €28.9 billion. India is among the few nations in the world that run a surplus in services trade with the EU. Investment stocks from Europe to India reached €51.2 billion in 2015.

France and Germany collectively represent the major part of EU-India trade.

Background

Indian PM Narendra Modi with the President of European Council Donald Tusk, and the President of European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker, at the EU-India Summit, Brussels, 2016

India–European Economic Community (EEC) relations were established in the early 1960s.

The Joint Political Statement of 1993 and the 1994 Co-operation Agreement were the foundational agreements for the bilateral partnership. In 2004, India and European Union became “Strategic Partners”. A Joint Action Plan was agreed upon in 2005 and updated in 2008. India-EU Joint Statements was published in 2009 and 2012 following the India-European Union Summits. EU-India relationship has been qualified as high on rhetoric and low on substance

12th EU-India Summit

On the eve of the Summit President Van Rompuy stated: “The 12th EU-India summit will confirm that EU and India are strengthening and rebalancing their partnership in its political dimension, thus bringing our relationship to new heights. It will demonstrate that increased co-operation between India and the EU can make a difference for the security and the prosperity of our continents.” Although there were some apprehensions regarding the EU-enforced carbon tax on all fliers landing or passing through European skies that was opposed by many other countries, including India, China, the US and Russia, the European Union and India held their twelfth annual summit in New Delhi on 10 February 2012. Various EU representatives were present such as President Herman Van Rompuy and European Commission President José Manuel Barroso. The EU Trade commissioner, Karel De Gucht also attended the summit. The Republic of India was represented by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Foreign Minister S.M. Krishna, Trade Minister A. Sharma and National Security Adviser, S.S. Menon.

The summit agenda covered bilateral, regional and global issues. The Leaders emphasised the importance of the EU-India Strategic Partnership. They endeavoured to reinforce co-operation in security, in particular counter-terrorism, cyber-security and counter-piracy, as well as trade, energy, research and innovation.

India-EU Summits

Annual summit-level dialogues have been the cornerstone of India-EU relations. The first India-EU summit, held in Lisbon 2000, was a successful venture, which laid the roadmap for future partnership. The fifth India-EU Summit upgraded the relations to that of strategic partnership. Simultaneously, following the sixth India-EU summit held in New Delhi, both sides adopted the Joint Action Plan (JAP), which set out the roadmap for a strategic partnership between the two. The JAP included the strengthening of the dialogue and consultation mechanisms, deepening of political dialogue and cooperation and enhancing of economic policy dialogue and cooperation. During the ninth summit, India and the EU reviewed the JAP and a revised JAP was adopted adding 40 new elements in India-EU cooperation. During the 15th India-EU summit held virtually in 2020, an ambitious Roadmap to 2025 document was adopted. The 16th India-EU Summit is scheduled for May 2021. These summit-level meetings have provided a platform for both India and the EU to agree or disagree on a broad range of issues.

Maritime Cooperation

Maritime security has emerged as a critical area of cooperation between India and the European Union. The Joint Action Plan adopted in 2005, highlighted and emphasized on maritime cooperation. In the past few decades, both India and the EU have stressed on the idea of freedom of navigation, maritime piracy, and adherence to United Nation Conventions on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the development of the blue economy and maritime infrastructure. Both have identified the Indo-Pacific as the new avenue for maritime cooperation. In January 2021, India and the EU hosted the first Maritime security dialogue in a virtual format.

3. What are the main features of the Neo–functional approach to European integration?

Neofunctionalism is a theory of regional integration which downplays globalisation and reintroduces territory into its governance. Neofunctionalism is often regarded as the first European integration theory developed by Ernst B. Haas in 1958 as part of his Ph.D. research on the European Coal and Steel Community. Neofunctionalism seeks to explain the European integration process  and why states accept to become a part of supranational organization. Jean Monnet‘s approach to European integration, which aimed at integrating individual sectors in hopes of achieving spillover effects to further the process of integration, is said to have followed the neofunctional school’s tack.

Ernst B. Haas, later declared the theory of neofunctionalism obsolete, a statement he revoked in his final book, after the process of European integration started stalling in the 1960s, when Charles de Gaulle‘s “Empty Chair” politics paralyzed the institutions of the European Coal and Steel Community, European Economic Community, and European Atomic Energy Community. The theory was updated and further specified namely by Wayne Sandholtz, Alec Stone Sweet, and their collaborators in the 1990s and in the 2000s (references below). The main contributions of these authors was an employment of empiricism.

Today, neofunctionalism is one of the best-known theories of European integration. In the last decades Haas’ theory has been revived by several authors, who describe the neofunctionalist theoretical legacy left by him as able to speak directly to current EU studies and comparative regionalism, if it is seen as a dynamic theory that corresponds to established social scientific norms with disciplinary openness.

Key theoretical arguments

Neofunctionalism describes and explains the process of regional integration with reference to how three causal factors interact:

  • Growing economic interdependence between nations
  • Organizational capacity to resolve disputes and build international legal regimes
  • Supranational market rules that replace national regulatory regimes

Early neofunctionalist theory assumed a decline in importance of nationalism and the nation-state; it predicted that, gradually, elected officials, interest groups, and large commercial interests within states would see it in their interests to pursue welfarist objectives best satisfied by the political and market integration at a higher, supranational level. Haas theorized three mechanisms that he thought would drive the integration forward: positive spillover, the transfer of domestic allegiances and technocratic automaticity.

  • Positive spillover effect is the notion that integration between states in one economic sector will create strong incentives for integration in further sectors, in order to fully capture the perks of integration in the sector in which it started.
  • Increased number of transactions and intensity of negotiations then takes place hand in hand with increasing regional integration. This leads to a creation of institutions that work without reference to “local” governments.
  • The mechanism of a transfer in domestic allegiances can be best understood by first noting that an important assumption within neofunctionalist thinking is of a pluralistic society within the relevant nation states. Neofunctionalists claim that as the process of integration gathers pace, interest groups and associations will transfer their allegiances away from national institutions towards the supranational European institutions. They will do this because they will, in theory, come to realise that these newly formed institutions are a better conduit through which to pursue their material interests.
  • Greater regulatory complexity is then needed and other institutions on regional level are usually called for. This causes integration to be transferred to higher levels of decision-making processes.
  • Technocratic automaticity described the way in which, as integration proceeds, the supranational institutions set up to oversee that integration process will themselves take the lead in sponsoring further integration as they become more powerful and more autonomous of the member states. In the Haas-Schmitter model, size of unit, rate of transactions, pluralism, and elite complementarity are the background conditions on which the process of integration depends.
  • Just as Rosamond put it, political integration will then become an “inevitable” side effect of integration in economic sectors.

Neofunctionalism was modified and updated in two important books that helped to revive the study of European integration: European Integration and Supranational Governance (1998) by Wayne Sandholtz and Alec Stone Sweet, and The Institutionalization of Europe (2001) by Sandholtz, Stone Sweet, and Neil Fligstein. Sandholtz and Stone Sweet describe and assess the evolution of Neofunctionalist theory and empirical research in their 2009 paper, Neo-functionalism and Supranational Governance.

4. Identify the key issues and challenges in EU –China relations.
5. What is neo-realism? How do the Neo–realists explain European integration?

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IGNOU MPSE 011 Solved Assignment 2022-23




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Section-B

Write a short note on each part of the following questions in about 250 words.

6. a) European Union’s development policy
b) European Union’s environmental policy

7. a) European Parliament
b) Regionalism in Europe


8. a) Functions of the European Commission
b) European defense and security policy

9. a) Framework of EU -US bilateral relations
b) India trade and economic relations with EU


10. a) European Union participation in Globalization
b) Significance of Maastricht treaty.


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IGNOU MPSE 011 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
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