IGNOU BPSC 111 Sovled Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

There are three Sections in the Assignment. You have to answer all questions in the
Sections.

Answer the following in about 500 words each in section I and Each question carries 20 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in section II and Each question carries 10 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in section III and Each question carries 6 marks

SECTION – I

Q.1. Discuss Marxism as an intellectual construct.

Marxism is a social, political, and economic philosophy named after Karl Marx (1818-1883). Marxism has had a great historical influence on the organization of countries as well as numerous theories in sociology.
In sociology, Marxism has manifested as a method for socioeconomic analysis. Using the methods of Marxism, sociologists can outline the dominant power structures of society and examine their effects on how people within society see power structures.
Marx defined the value of a good in terms of the amount of labor needed to produce it. This is called the Labor Theory of Value.
Marxism draws a differentiation between two groups of people in society: the proletariat, and the bourgeoisie. According to Marx, the bourgeoisie exploited the labor of the proletariat for profit.
The bourgeoisie are also differentiated from the proletariat for owning the means of production — everything needed to produce goods in a society. This inability to control their own work results in alienation among the proletariat and a loss of creative autonomy.

Primitive Communism

Marx and Engels conceptualized society prior to antiquity as free of social class division as hunter-gathers gathered just enough to survive. Because everyone in this system worked for subsistence, there was no surplus production, thus making exploitation impossible.

Antiquity

Antiquity, to Marx, represented the first stage of exploitation between two classes, as the dynamic between aristocrats and their slaves and servants characterized society.

Feudalism

The second stage of exploitation in Marx’s vision of society was medieval society. Divided into landowners and occupiers, the lords and landlords exploited those who cultivated their lands by taking a portion of their yield.

Capitalist Society

Marxism focuses most heavily on the ills of contemporary capitalist society. In this system, anyone could trade with anyone, and were free to make money from their own goods and services.

However, according to Marx and Engels, this just as powerfully bred injustice through exploitation of the poor by the rich. Marx and Engels were particularly inspired by the conditions of their era, the industrial revolution.

Karl Marx, born in what is now Western Germany, and his collaboration experienced England at the turn of the industrial revolution.

Witnessing first-hand the exploitation of British factory workers, the pair conducted a series of profiles of laborers and collaboratively authored The Communist Manifesto (Prychitko, 1991).

Although the ideas of Marxism seemed to take hold by the first half of the twentieth century, as the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and the spread of communism came to define much of eastern Europe, their association — the USSR — began to reject Marxist ideology, entering a transition toward private property rights and a market exchange system.

The societies of Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Romania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Albania, and the other Soviet states shifted to a capitalist and consumerist system, and the USSR collapsed in 1991 (Prychitko, 2002).

Advanced Communism

After the fall of the current capitalist system, Marx predicted a utopian society involving shared resources, wealth, and equality.

Key Terms and Principles

Two classes in capitalist society, and the Bourgeoisie’s exploitation of the proletariat

Marx believed that capitalists were able to achieve this profit because they had more power and resources than the workers.

Thus, the system of capitalism is, in Marx’s view, one that exploits the worker class — what he calls the proletariat. The ruling capitalist class, meanwhile, harvested more value than they expended.

Marx called this class of people the bourgeoisie. The term proletariat, comprising the majority of society, derives from the Latin term proletarius, which refers to people who did not own property, and who made up a class defined by this characteristic (Darity, 2008).

Engels developed his image of the proletariat as a class in industrial society in Manchester in the 1830s, while Marx did so on the streets of Paris during the same time period (Darity, 2008).

The struggles of this class became central to the Communist Manifesto, where Marx and Engels looked from antiquity onward to argue that the struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie classes — and its culmination in capitalism — is the central driving force and history (Darity, 2008).

The economic basis and superstructure supporting Bourgeoisie exploitation

What differentiated the bourgeoisie’s ability to exploit the proletariat from the proletariat’s inability to themselves create their own goods and services and reap their own value is, according to Marx, ownership of the means of production.

The means of production is everything that goes into the production of the necessities of life.

These include both “productive forces” — the labor, tools, and raw materials required to make things — and the “relations of production” — the social structures that regulate the relationships between humans in the production of goods (Mandel & Mandel, 1979).

In practice, the gap in ownership of the means of production would work out like this. Say that there existed a local, proletariat bookbinder in a small town.

According to Marx, that bookbinder would price his goods according to the amount of labor required to produce them.

Meanwhile, a large book binding factory, using hundreds of workers to bind books and automated book-binding equipment, would be able to afford to sell these books for much less.

This would be true both because it takes less time to produce these books, and because the capitalists running the factory are able to exploit the labor of their workers, driving down the price further.

Because the proletariat, small-town bookbinder does not own the massive resources required to bind thousands of cheaply-made books every day, he cannot compete with the capitalist.

Thus, in the view of Marxism, he would likely be unable to survive as a bookbinder and resort to selling his labor to make his way.

The Labor Theory: The Basis of Economic Value

The biggest economic principle underlying the rest of Marxism is Marx’s definition of value. This is the subject of his book, Das Kapital (Capital; 2018).

The basic claim of this theory is simple: the value of a commodity can be objectively measured in terms of the average number of hours of labor needed to produce it.

This means that if a pair of pants takes half as long to produce than a pair of shoes, then the shoes are twice as valuable as the pants.

The result is that the competitive price of shoes will be twice that of the pants, regardless of the value of the labor and physical materials that went into them (Prychitkoo, 1991)

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Q.2. Explain Plato’s concept of Philosopher King.

Philosopher king, idea according to which the best form of government is that in which philosophers rule. The ideal of a philosopher king was born in Plato’s dialogue Republic as part of the vision of a just city. It was influential in the Roman Empire and was revived in European political thought in the age of absolutist monarchs. It has also been more loosely influential in modern political movements claiming an infallible ruling elite.

In Plato’s Republic the leading character, Socrates, proposes the design of an ideal city as a model for how to order the individual soul. Such a just city will require specialized military “guards,” divided subsequently into two groups—rulers who will be “guards” in the sense of guardians, dedicated to what is good for the city rather than for themselves, and soldiers who will be their “auxiliaries.” Already at this stage of the Republic it is stressed that the guardians must be virtuous and selfless, living simply and communally as do soldiers in their camps, and Socrates proposes that even wives and children should be in common.

At the outset of Book V, Socrates is challenged by his interlocutors to explain this last proposal. In response, Socrates expounds three controversial claims, which he acknowledges will expose him to ridicule. The first is that the guardians should include qualified women as well as men; thus, the group that will become known as “philosopher kings” will also include “philosopher queens.” The second claim is that these ruling men and women should mate and reproduce on the city’s orders, raising their children communally to consider all guardians as parents rather than attach themselves to a private family household. Those children, together with those of the artisan class, will be tested, and only the most virtuous and capable will become rulers. Thus, the group to become known as “philosopher kings” will be reproduced by merit rather than simply by birth. Finally, Socrates declares that these rulers must in fact be philosophers:

Socrates predicts that this claim will elicit even more ridicule and contempt from his Athenian contemporaries than will equality for women rulers or communality of sex and children. Many Athenians saw philosophers as perpetual adolescents, skulking in corners and muttering about the meaning of life, rather than taking an adult part in the battle for power and success in the city. On this view, philosophers are the last people who should or would want to rule. The Republic turns this claim upside down, arguing that it is precisely the fact that philosophers are the last people who would want to rule that qualifies them to do so. Only those who do not wish for political power can be trusted with it.

Thus, the key to the notion of the “philosopher king” is that the philosopher is the only person who can be trusted to rule well. Philosophers are both morally and intellectually suited to rule: morally because it is in their nature to love truth and learning so much that they are free from the greed and lust that tempts others to abuse power and intellectually because they alone can gain full knowledge of reality, which in Books V through VII of the Republic is argued to culminate in knowledge of the forms of Virtue, Beauty, and, above all, the Good. The city can foster such knowledge by putting aspiring philosophers through a demanding education, and the philosophers will use their knowledge of goodness and virtue to help other citizens achieve these so far as possible.

Thus, the emphasis in the Platonic notion of the philosopher king lies more on the first word than the second. While relying on conventional Greek contrasts between king and tyrant and between the king as individual ruler and the multitudinous rule of aristocracy and democracy, Plato makes little use of the notion of kingship per se. That he had used the word, however, was key to the later career of the notion in imperial Rome and monarchical Europe. To the Stoic Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius (reigned 161–180), what mattered was that even kings should be philosophers, rather than that only philosophers should rule. To François Fénelon, the Roman Catholic archbishop charged with the moral education of Louis, duc de Bourgogne, the grandson of Louis XIV, the crucial issue was that kings should possess self-restraint and selfless devotion to duty, rather than that they should possess knowledge. The enlightened despots of the 18th century, such as Frederick II the Great of Prussia and Catherine II the Great of Russia, would pride themselves on being philosopher kings and queens. But philosophy by then had left behind Plato’s focus on absolute knowledge, signifying instead the free pursuit of knowledge and the implementation of reason.

SECTION – II

1. Write a note on Plato’s concept of justice.
2. Examine Aristotle’s views on human nature.
3. Elaborate upon Aristotle’s views on form.

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SECTION – II

1. Write a note on Machiavelli’s views on power and politics.
2. Examine Machiavelli’s conception of civic virtue and freedom.
3. Discuss Hobbes’s views on matter and motion.
4. Examine the powers and privileges of Hobbes sovereign.
5. What are the grounds on which Locke justified the right to property? Elaborate.

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