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IGNOU BHIC 134 FREE Solved Assignment 2022-23 PDF
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Important Note – IGNOU BHIC 134 FREE Solved Assignment 2022-23 PDF Download Free You may be aware that you need to submit your assignments before you can appear for the Term End Exams. Please remember to keep a copy of your completed assignment, just in case the one you submitted is lost in transit.
Submission Date :
- 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
- 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).
Answer the following in about 500 words each in Section A. Each question carry 20 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in Section B. Each question carry 10 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in Section C. Each question carry 6 marks.
1. Was there a political revolution in Bengal between 1757-1765? Discuss.
Revolution in Bengal
The revolution in Bengal was the product of a number of unrelated causes. The imminence of the Seven Years’ War prompted the British to send out Clive with a force to Madras in 1755. Succession troubles in Bengal combined with British mercantile incompetence to produce a crisis at a moment when the French in south India were still awaiting reinforcements from France.
ʿAlī Vardī Khan—the nawab and virtual ruler of Bengal—died in April 1756, leaving his power to his young grandson Sirāj al-Dawlah. The latter’s position was insecure because of discontent among his officers, both Hindu and Muslim, and because he himself was at the same time both headstrong and vacillating. On an exaggerated report that the British were fortifying Calcutta, he attacked and took the city after a four-day siege, on June 20, 1756. The flight of the British governor and several councillors added ignominy to defeat. The survivors were held for a night in the local lockup, known as the Black Hole of Calcutta; many were dead the next morning.
News of this disaster caused consternation in Madras. A force preparing to oust Bussy-Castelnau from the Deccan was diverted to Bengal, giving Clive an army of 900 Europeans and 1,500 Indians. He relieved the Calcutta survivors and recovered the city on January 2, 1757. An indecisive engagement led to a treaty with Sirāj al-Dawlah on February 9, which restored the company’s privileges, gave permission to fortify Calcutta, and declared an alliance.
This was a decisive point in British Indian history. According to plan, Clive should have returned to Madras to pursue the campaign against the French; but he did not. He sensed both the hostility and insecurity of Sirāj al-Dawlah’s position and began to receive overtures to support a military coup. The chance of installing a friendly and dependent nawab seemed too good to be missed. Having taken this decision, Clive chose the right candidate in Mīr Jaʿfar, an elderly general with much influence in the army. In so acting, Clive was probably influenced by the example of Bussy-Castelnau at Hyderabad; for six years Bussy-Castelnau had maintained himself with an Indo-French force, sustaining the nizam, Ṣalābat Jang, and maintaining French influence in the largest south Indian state with outstanding success. This system of a “sponsored” Indian state, controlled but not administered, was the one Clive had in mind for Bengal.
The prospects for success seemed good. The event, however, proved otherwise, and there were reasons for this not realized at the time. The chiefs were so lacking in vigour that they made little resistance to British encroachments. External danger could come from only one direction and source—the Mughal authority—and that was at the moment in dissolution. While Bussy-Castelnau had no French merchants to satisfy, the British merchants in Calcutta were ready and eager to exploit the situation. And, because the British company’s government was made up entirely of merchants, it is easy to understand why the sponsored state of 1757 became the virtually annexed state of 1765.
Before breaking with Sirāj al-Dawlah, Clive took the French settlement of Chandernagore, which the nawab left to its fate lest he need British help to repulse an Afghan attack from the north. The actual conflict with Sirāj al-Dawlah, at Plassey (June 23, 1757), was decided by Clive’s resolute refusal to be overawed by superior numbers, by dissensions within the nawab’s camp, by Mīr Jaʿfar’s failure to support his superior, and by Sirāj al-Dawlah’s own loss of nerve. Plassey was, in fact, more of a cannonade than a battle. It was followed by the flight and execution of Sirāj al-Dawlah, by the occupation of Murshidabad, the capital, and by the installation of Mīr Jaʿfar as the new nawab.
Clive now controlled a sponsored state, and he played the part with great skill. His position was prejudiced at the outset by the nawab’s failure to find the expected hoarded treasure with which to fulfill his financial promises to the British. The nawab therefore looked for financial support toward his Hindu deputies, with whom saving was second nature. Clive had therefore to intervene repeatedly. In 1759 he defended Patna from attack by the heir to the Mughal throne, ʿAlī Gauhar (later Shah ʿĀlam II), who hoped to strengthen his position in the confused world of Delhi politics by acquiring Bihar. Clive also had to deal with the Dutch, who, hearing of Mīr Jaʿfar’s restiveness and alarmed by the growth of British power in Bengal, sent an armament of six ships to their station at Chinsura on the Hooghly River. Though Britain was at peace with the Netherlands at the time, Clive maneuvered the Dutch into acts of aggression, captured their fleet, defeated them on land, and exacted compensation. They retained Chinsura but could never again challenge the British position in Bengal.
Clive left Calcutta on February 25, 1760, at the height of his fame and aged only 34, looking forward to an English political career. The nawab was completely dependent on the British, to whose trade it seemed that the rich resources of Bengal were now open. But the prospect was less brilliant than it looked; and for this, and for the troubles that ensued in the next few years, Clive had a direct responsibility. Two measures undermined the plan of a sponsored state, leading to the company’s bankruptcy on the one hand and to the virtual annexation of Bengal on the other. The first of these was an understanding with Mīr Jaʿfar, not mentioned in the actual treaty, that personal domestic trade (i.e., trade within India) of company employees would be exempted from the usual tolls and customs duties. The company’s trade with Europe had since 1717 been exempt from such taxes, but the application of such concessions to individual employees—or to anyone, for that matter, who held an exemption pass (dastak)—was a fiscal disaster, since the pass system was widely abused. Local Indian traders were soon unable to compete against rivals with such an advantage, and the company itself was soon out-positioned by its own employees (who received little compensation from the company and relied on their own entrepreneurial skills to make ends meet.) From free trade many company employees passed to intimidation, employing agents who used the British name to terrorize the countryside and infringe on the company’s monopoly.
The second measure was the acceptance of gifts. This was not forbidden by the company and was, in fact, a recognized custom; but itopened the floodgates of corruption. On the strength of rumours regarding the vast sum of the Murshidabad treasury, large amounts were paid to the armed forces and to the company leaders following the city’s capitulation. In addition, Clive obtained a further Mughal title and then claimed a revenue assignment, or jāgīr, for its upkeep, which was worth a large annual sum. In the context of contemporary values these grants equaled nearly one-fourth of the average annual Bengal revenue and represented some 6 percent of the then annual revenue of Great Britain. With such a vigorous opening of the floodgates, it is not surprising that the other servants of the company asked for more almost as a matter of right and that the company’s directors in London, with relatives and connections on the spot, preferred verbal denunciations to any resolute or sustained action. The effects became speedily apparent when in fact the Murshidabad treasure turned out to be only a fraction of its rumoured value, so that (as Clive later admitted to a parliamentary enquiry), the nawab had to sell jewels, goods, and furniture to meet his obligations. The results of these measures unfolded in the next decade and continued to be felt for a generation.
2. Discuss the differences between the Moderates and Extremists in the Indian National Congress.
Difference Between Moderates and Extremists
Moderates and extremists refer to two different types of ideological thinking. While the moderates typically take things from an objective point of view, extremists’ views are largely based on their personal opinion.This post aims to define the meaning of both these terms in more detail and look at the key Difference Between Moderates and Extremists.Who are the Moderates?Moderates are the people who can view things from a more objective point of view and take into account varied perspectives, opinions, and viewpoints.Other highlights of moderates include-
- Moderates take enough time to understand how things impact other people.
- They can influence others’ decisions by helping them understand issues from a different perspective.
- Moderates can come up with decisions that are best for everyone, rather than just a single person.
Who are the Extremists?Extremists are the people who just have one way of thinking and will do whatever it takes to get their way, even if that means crossing the line and hurting other people in the process.Other highlights of extremists include-
- Extremists take risks without taking into account the consequences of their actions.
- They are not willing to change their minds regardless of what others say.
- The extremists make decisions based solely on their own opinions.
Difference Between Moderates and ExtremistsThe Main Differences Between Moderates and Extremists are –
|Moderates are largely inspired by liberal ideology and European history.||Extremists find inspiration in history, Indian culture, and heritage|
|Moderates look at situations objectively before making opinions based on their understanding of the situation.||Extremists look at situations only through their perspective, irrespective of what others have to say|
|Moderates wanted changes in the Constitution to increase the participation of Indians in the Government.||Extremists wanted complete independence or Swaraj.|
|Moderates are more accommodating and willing to listen to the other perspective and take into account all of their arguments.||Extremists will never compromise on what they believe|
|Moderates always limited their struggle to various constitutional methods.||Extremists used extra-constitutional methods often during their struggle.|
|The moderates believed that political connections with Britain were in India’s interest, and they were ready to accept nominal British rules.||The extremists were completely against Britishers and believed in using self-reliance as a weapon against their domination.|
The Main Difference Between Moderates and Extremists is in their ideology and how they approach life. While moderates are more inclusive, extremists typically have one way of thinking. So, in conclusion, moderates are the ones who can take in varied perspectives and use them as a tool to reach a better understanding of the situation. Extremists, however, do not think much about the consequences of their actions before the situation unfolds and may end up hurting themselves or others because of their actions.
3. What were the main ideas of the Utilitarians?Discuss.
4. Comment on the economic impact of the British rule.
5. What was the role of the Constituent Assembly in shaping the Indian Constitution?
6. Ryotwari Settlement
7. State formation in Mysore in the 18th century
8. The Orientalists in India
10. Transfer of Power
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