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IGNOU MPSE 009 Solved Assignment 2022-23 , MPSE 009 CANADA: POLITICS AND SOCIETY Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free : MPSE 009 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 , IGNOU MPSE 009 Assignment 2022-23, MPSE 009 Assignment 2022-23 , MPSE 009 Assignment , MPSE 009 CANADA: POLITICS AND SOCIETY Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free IGNOU Assignments 2022-23- MASTER’S DEGREE PROGRAMME IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Courses Assignment 2022-23 Gandhi National Open University had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for MASTER’S DEGREE PROGRAMME IN POLITICAL SCIENCE Courses Programme for the year 2022-23.




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IGNOU MPSE 009 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

: Answer any five questions in about 500 words each. Attempt at least two questions from each section. Each question carries 20 marks.

Section-A


1. Explain nature and feature of gender movement in Canada.

The history of feminism in Canada has been a gradual struggle aimed at establishing equal rights. The history of Canadian feminism, like modern Western feminism in other countries, has been divided by scholars into four “waves”, each describing a period of intense activism and social change. The use of “waves” has been critiqued for its failure to include feminist activism of Aboriginal and Québécois women who organized for changes in their own communities as well as for larger social change.

Waves of Canadian feminism

First wave

The first wave of feminism in Canada occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This early activism was focused on increasing women’s role in public life, with goals including women’s suffrage, increased property rights, increased access to education, and recognition as “persons” under the law. This early iteration of Canadian feminism was largely based in maternal feminism: the idea that women are natural caregivers and “mothers of the nation” who should participate in public life because of their perceived propensity for decisions that will result in good care of society.  In this view, women were seen to be a civilizing force on society, which was a significant part of women’s engagement in missionary work and in the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU).

Early organizing and activism

Religion was an important factor in the early stages of the Canadian women’s movement. Some of the earliest groups of organized women came together for a religious purpose. When women were rejected as missionaries by their Churches and missionary societies, they started their own missionary societies and raised funds to send female missionaries abroad. Some of them raised enough to train some of their missionaries as teachers or doctors. The first of these missionary societies was founded in Canso, Nova Scotia in 1870 by a group of Baptist women inspired by Hannah Norris, a teacher who wanted to be a missionary. Norris asked the women in her Church for help when her application to the Baptist Foreign Mission Board was rejected. They formed their own missionary society, and soon there were Presbyterian, Methodist, and Anglican women missionary societies forming across the western provinces, Quebec, Ontario, and the Maritimes.

Women’s right to vote in Canada

Organizing around women’s suffrage in Canada peaked in the mid-1910s. Various franchise clubs were formed, and in Ontario, the Toronto Women’s Literary Club was established in 1876 as a guise for suffrage activities, though by 1883 it was renamed the Toronto Women’s Suffrage Association. Compared to other English speaking industrialized countries, Canada’s suffrage movement gained success rather easily, and without violence. The tactics adopted by the movement in order to bring about reform included collecting petitions, staging mock parliaments and selling postcards. 

Widows and unmarried women were granted the right to vote in municipal elections in Ontario in 1884. Such limited franchises were extended in other provinces at the end of the 19th century, but bills to enfranchise women in provincial elections failed to pass in any province until Manitoba, and Saskatchewan finally succeeded in early 1916. Alberta followed the same year and Emily Murphy became the first woman magistrate not just in Canada, but the entire British Empire. At the federal level it was a two step process. On September 20, 1917, women gained a limited right to vote: According to the Parliament of Canada website, the Military Voters Act established that “women who are British subjects and have close relatives in the armed forces can vote on behalf of their male relatives, in federal elections.” About a year and a quarter later, at the beginning of 1919, the right to vote was extended to all women in the Act to confer the Electoral Franchise upon Women. The remaining provinces quickly followed suit, except for Quebec, which did not do so until 1940. Agnes Macphail became the first woman elected to Parliament in 1921.

Women ruled legally to be “persons”

The Famous Five were a group of five women from Alberta who wanted courts to determine women were considered to be “persons” for the purposes of being called to the Senate under section 24 of the British North America Act, 1867, the main provision of Canada’s constitution.

The Senate was the body which at that time approved divorces in some provinces of Canada, among other decisions important to women. The Famous Five petitioned the Federal Cabinet to refer this issue to the Supreme Court. After some debate, the Cabinet did so. The Supreme Court, interpreting the Act in light of the times in which it was written, ruled in 1928 that women were not “persons” for the purposes of section 24 and could not be appointed to the Senate.

The five women, led by Emily Murphy, appealed the case to the Judicial Committee of the British Privy Council, at that time the highest court of appeal for the British Empire. In 1929, the five Lords of the Committee ruled unanimously that “the word ‘persons’ in Section 24 includes both the male and female sex”. They called the earlier interpretation “a relic of days more barbarous than ours”.

Second wave

Though feminism in Canada continued after the work of the Famous Five, during the Depression and the Second World War, feminist activism in Canada was not as clear to see as it was during the fight for suffrage and thereafter. However, women’s engagement in the workforce during the Second World War brought about a new consciousness in women with regards to their place in public life, which led to a public inquiry on the status of women, as well as new campaigns and organizing for equal rights. Whereas the first wave was organized around access to education and training, the second wave of Canadian feminism focused on women’s role in the workforce, the need for equal pay for equal work, a desire to address violence against women, and concerns about women’s reproductive rights.

Canadian women during and after World War II

During the Second World War, Canadian women were actively pursued by the Canadian government to contribute to the war effort. One of the ways in which women contributed to the war effort was by joining the workforce. Prior to the war, some young and unmarried women had already joined the workforce; however, during the war an increased need for female workers arose in many industries due to the depleted pool of male workers who had largely been mobilized to fight in the war. Although women continued to work in their pre-war traditional fields of employment such as textile manufacturing, retail, nursing, and homecare services, as the demand for labour intensified in all industries, women became employed in many non-traditional fields including: manufacturing, trade, finance, transportation, communication, and construction. In response to the labour needs of many industries, the Canadian government created a special Women’s Division of the National Selective Service to recruit women into the workforce.

Royal Commission on the Status of Women, 1970

The Royal Commission on the Status of Women was a Canadian Royal Commission that examined the status of women and recommended steps that might be taken by the federal government to ensure equal opportunities with men in all aspects of Canadian society. The Commission commenced on 16 February 1967 as an initiative of Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson. Public sessions were conducted the following year to accept public comment for the Commission to consider as it formulated its recommendations. 

Third wave

The third wave of Canadian feminism, which is largely perceived to have started in the early 1990s, is closely tied to notions of anti-racism, anti-colonialism, and anti-capitalism. The notion of a sisterhood among women prevalent in the second wave, is critiqued by third-wave feminists, who have perceived this seeming universalism to be dismissive of women’s diverse experiences, and the ways that women can discriminate against and dominate one another. Third-wave feminism is associated with decentralized, grassroots organizing, as opposed to the national feminist organizations prevalent in the second wave.

Opposition to female genital mutilation

Canada recognized female genital mutilation as a form of persecution in July 1994, when it granted refugee status to Khadra Hassan Farah, who had fled Somalia to avoid her daughter being cut. In 1997 section 268 of its Criminal Code was amended to ban FGM, except where “the person is at least eighteen years of age and there is no resulting bodily harm”.

Fourth wave

Fourth-wave feminism refers to a resurgence of interest in feminism that began around 2012 and is associated with the use of social media. According to feminist scholar Prudence Chamberlain, the focus of the fourth wave is justice for women and opposition to sexual harassment and violence against women. Its essence, she writes, is “incredulity that certain attitudes can still exist”.

Fourth-wave feminism is “defined by technology”, according to Kira Cochrane, and is characterized particularly by the use of FacebookTwitterInstagramYouTubeTumblr, and blogs to challenge misogyny and further gender equality.

Issues that fourth-wave feminists focus on include street and workplace harassmentcampus sexual assault and rape culture. Scandals involving the harassment, abuse, and/or murder of women and girls have galvanized the movement; one example of such a scandal in Canada was the 2016 trial of Jian Ghomeshi.

During the time of fourth-wave feminism, Canada removed its tampon tax in mid-2015 following an online petition signed by thousands.

Also during the time of fourth-wave feminism, in May 2016, in an attempt to make the Canadian national anthem gender-neutral by changing “thy sons” to “of us”, Liberal MP Mauril Bélanger introduced a private member’s Bill C-210. In June 2016, the bill passed its third reading with a vote of 225 to 74 in the House of Commons. In July 2017, the bill was in its third and final reading in the Senate; the bill was passed on January 31, 2018, and received royal assent on February 7, 2018.

2. Assess the policy of multiculturalism in Canada.

Canada’s federal multiculturalism policy was adopted in 1971 by Pierre Trudeau’s Liberal government. An unexpected by-product of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963–69), multiculturalism was intended as a policy solution to manage both rising francophone nationalism, particularly in Quebec (see French-Canadian Nationalism; The Quiet Revolution), and increasing cultural diversity across the country. Canada was the first country in the world to adopt a multiculturalism policy. The federal multiculturalism policy marked its 50th anniversary in 2021.

The initial idea behind multiculturalism was brought to popular attention by John Murray Gibbon’s 1938 book Canadian Mosaic: The Making of a Northern Nation, which challenged the US-born idea of cultural assimilation, known as the “melting pot.” However, it was not until the 1960s that multiculturalism emerged as an object of national conversation about Canadian identity.

The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism

The origins of Canada’s multiculturalism policy can be found in the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1963–69).

The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism was appointed to investigate the state of bilingualism and biculturalism in Canada. The commission was a response to the growing unrest among French Canadians in Quebec, who called for the protection of their language and culture, and opportunities to participate fully in political and economic decision making (see Quiet Revolution). The commission’s findings led to changes in French education across the country, the creation of the federal ministry of multiculturalism and the Official Languages Act (1969).

Two years later, in 1971, Canada’s multiculturalism policy was adopted. The policy acknowledged that Canadians come from a wide variety of cultural backgrounds, and that all cultures have intrinsic value. In a speech in the House of Commons in April of 1971, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau introduced it as “a policy of multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” a policy that would complement the Official Languages Act by facilitating the integration of new Canadians into one or both of the official language communities. “Although there are two official languages, there is no official culture,” said Trudeau.

Overview of the Multiculturalism Program

The Multiculturalism Program is one means by which the Government of Canada implements the Canadian Multiculturalism Act and advances the Government of Canada’s priorities in the area of multiculturalism. Between 2008 and November 2015, the Program was delivered by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC)/Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). In November 2015, the Program was transferred to the Department of Canadian Heritage (PCH).

At PCH, the Program delivery is shared by three Branches – Strategic Policy, Planning and Research, Citizen Participation and Communications – and the five Regions. In 2016-17, the Program’s expenditures were $10.1 million.

The Multiculturalism Program delivers its mandate through 4 key areas of activity:

  • Grants and Contributions (Gs&Cs) (Inter-Action). The Multiculturalism Program has an annual budget of $8.5 million in Gs&Cs for projects and events that foster an integrated, socially cohesive society. Inter-Action is administered by both National Headquarters (projects) and the five PCH Regions (events).
  • Public outreach and promotion. The Multiculturalism Program undertakes public outreach and promotional activities, including: Asian Heritage Month, Black History Month and the Paul Yuzyk Award for Multiculturalism.
  • Support to federal and public institutions. The Program supports federal institutions to implement their responsibilities under the Canadian Multiculturalism Act and to develop their submissions to the Annual Report on the Operation of the Multiculturalism Act. The Program coordinates the submissions and prepares the Annual Report. It also coordinates the Multiculturalism Champions Network (MCN), a Government of Canada community of practice of multiculturalism champions. The Program collaborates with provinces and territories on mutual priorities through the Federal-Provincial-Territorial Officials Responsible for Multiculturalism (FPTORMI) network.
  • International engagement. The Program participates in international agreements and institutions to advance multiculturalism, diversity and anti-racism in Canada and internationally.

The Multiculturalism Program’s three objectives came into effect in April 2010:

  • build an integrated, socially cohesive society;
  • improve the responsiveness of institutions to the needs of a diverse population; and
  • actively engage in discussions on multiculturalism and diversity at the international level.

Evaluation approach and methodology

The evaluation covered the period 2011-12 to 2016-17 and was conducted in accordance with the requirements of the Treasury Board Policy on Results (2016) and the Financial Administration Act (FAA). The evaluation assessed the Program’s relevance, effectiveness and efficiency, including design and delivery.

The evaluation approach involved a combination of qualitative and quantitative data collection methods and primary and secondary data sources to address the evaluation issues and questions.

3. Describe the basic characteristics of Party System in Canada.

The politics of Canada function within a framework of parliamentary democracy and a federal system of parliamentary government with strong democratic traditions. Canada is a constitutional monarchy, in which the monarch is head of state. In practice, the executive powers are directed by the Cabinet, a committee of ministers of the Crown responsible to the elected House of Commons of Canada and chosen and headed by the Prime Minister of Canada.

Canada is described as a “full democracy“, with a tradition of liberalism, and an egalitarian, moderate political ideology. Far-left and far-right politics have never been a prominent force in Canadian society.[9][10] The traditional “brokerage” model of Canadian politics leaves little room for ideology. Peace, order, and good government, alongside an Implied Bill of Rights are founding principles of the Canadian government. An emphasis on social justice has been a distinguishing element of Canada’s political culture. Canada has placed emphasis on equality and inclusiveness for all its people.

The country has a multi-party system in which many of its legislative practices derive from the unwritten conventions of and precedents set by the Westminster parliament of the United Kingdom. The two dominant political parties in Canada have historically been the current Liberal Party of Canada and the Conservative Party of Canada (as well as its numerous predecessors). Parties like the New Democratic Party, the Quebec nationalist Bloc Québécois and the Green Party of Canada have grown in prominence, exerting their own influence to the political process.

Canada has evolved variations: party discipline in Canada is stronger than in the United Kingdom, and more parliamentary votes are considered motions of confidence, which tends to diminish the role of non-Cabinet members of parliament (MPs). Such members, in the government caucus, and junior or lower-profile members of opposition caucuses, are known as backbenchers. Backbenchers can, however, exert their influence by sitting in parliamentary committees, like the Public Accounts Committee or the National Defence Committee.

Context

Canada’s governmental structure was originally established by the British Parliament through the British North America Act, 1867 (now the Constitution Act, 1867), but the federal model and division of powers were devised by Canadian politicians. Particularly after World War I, citizens of the self-governing Dominions, such as Canada, began to develop a strong sense of identity, and, in the Balfour Declaration of 1926, the British government and the governments of the six [Dominion]s jointly agreed that the Dominions had full autonomy within the British Commonwealth.

In 1931, after further consultations and agreements between the British government and the governments of the Dominions, the British Parliament passed the Statute of Westminster, giving legal recognition to the autonomy of Canada and other Dominions. However, Canadian politicians were unable to obtain consensus on a process for amending the constitution, which was therefore not affected by the Statute of Westminster, meaning amendments to Canada’s constitution continued to require the approval of the British parliament until that date. Similarly, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Britain continued to make the final decision on criminal appeals until 1933 and on civil appeals until 1949. It was not until 1982, with the Patriation of the Constitution, that the role of the British Parliament was ended.

Political culture

Canada’s egalitarian approach to governance has emphasized social welfareeconomic freedom, and multiculturalism, which is based on selective economic migrantssocial integration, and suppression of far-right politics, that has wide public and political support. Its broad range of constituent nationalities and policies that promote a “just society” are constitutionally protected. Individual rights, equality and inclusiveness (social equality) have risen to the forefront of political and legal importance for most Canadians, as demonstrated through support for the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, a relatively free economy, and social liberal attitudes toward women’s rights (like pregnancy termination), homosexuality, euthanasia or cannabis use. There is also a sense of collective responsibility in Canadian political culture, as is demonstrated in general support for universal health care, multiculturalism, gun control, foreign aid, and other social programs.

At the federal level, Canada has been dominated by two relatively centrist parties practising brokerage politics”, the centre-left leaning Liberal Party of Canada and the centre-right leaning Conservative Party of Canada (or its predecessors). “The traditional brokerage model of Canadian politics leaves little room for ideology” as the Canadian catch-all party system requires support from a broad spectrum of voters. The historically predominant Liberals position themselves at the centre of the political scale, with the Conservatives sitting on the right and the New Democratic Party occupying the left. Five parties had representatives elected to the federal parliament in the 2021 election: the Liberal Party who currently form the government, the Conservative Party who are the Official Opposition, the New Democratic Party, the Bloc Québécois, and the Green Party of Canada.

4. Examine the reasons for the Quebec’s Separatist demand in Canada.
5. What are the powers and function of the Canadian Prime minister?


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IGNOU MPSE 009 Solved Assignment 2022-23




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Section-B


Write a short note on each part of the following questions in about 250 words.

6. a) Nature and importance of Charter of Rights and Freedoms in Canada
b) Canadian Public Administration System

7. a) Role of NGOs in social movements in Canada
b) Canadian policy towards Aboriginal self –government


8. a) Pattern of Canadian economic development
b) Major issues in Canada-India relations

9. a) Relations between the House of Common and the Senate in the context of
democratic political culture in Canada.
b) Role of civil society in the policy making process of Canada

10. a) Quite Revolution and the emergence of Quebec nationalism
b) Canada trade and economic relations with China.



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IGNOU MPSE 009 Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
  2. Write your enrolment number, name, full address and date on the top right corner of the first page of your response sheet(s).
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