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IGNOU MPSE 002 Solved Assignment 2022-23
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Submission Date :
- 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
- 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).
: Answer any five questions in about 500 words each. Attempt at least two questions from each section. Each question carries 20 marks.
1. Critically examine the process of import substitution industrialization in Latin America.
Import substitution industrialization (ISI) is a trade and economic policy that advocates replacing foreign imports with domestic production. It is based on the premise that a country should attempt to reduce its foreign dependency through the local production of industrialized products. The term primarily refers to 20th-century development economics policies, but it has been advocated since the 18th century by economists such as Friedrich List and Alexander Hamilton.
ISI policies have been enacted by developing countries with the intention of producing development and self-sufficiency by the creation of an internal market. The state leads economic development by nationalization, subsidization of manufacturing, increased taxation, and highly protectionist trade policies. In the context of Latin American development, the term “Latin American structuralism” refers to the era of import substitution industrialization in many Latin American countries from the 1950s to the 1980s. The theories behind Latin American structuralism and ISI were organized in the works of economists such as Raúl Prebisch, Hans Singer, and Celso Furtado, and gained prominence with the creation of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (UNECLAC or CEPAL). They were influenced by a wide range of Keynesian, communitarian, and socialist economic thought, as well as dependency theory.
By the mid-1960s, many of the economists who had previously advocated for ISI in developing countries grew disenchanted with the policy and its outcomes. Many of the countries that adopted ISI policies in the post-WWII years had abandoned ISI by the late 1980s, reducing government intervention in the economy and becoming active participants in the World Trade Organization. In contrast to ISI policies, the Four Asian Tigers (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan) have been characterized as government intervention to facilitate “export-oriented industrialization.”
ISI policies generally had distributional consequences, as the incomes of export-oriented sectors (such as agriculture) declined while the incomes of import-competing sectors (such as manufacturing) increased. Governments that adopted ISI policies ran persistent budget deficits as state-owned enterprises never become profitable. They also ran current accounts deficits, as the manufactured goods produced by ISI countries were not competitive in international markets, and as the agricultural sector (the sector which was competitive in international markets) was weakened; as a result, ISI countries ended up importing more. ISI policies were also plagued by rent-seeking.
Origins of ISI
2. Examine the historical role of the Church in Latin America.
Roman Catholicism continued to be a powerful force in the second half of the 20th century. Its influence could be seen in the continuing prohibition, almost everywhere, of abortion and in the tendency to play down official support (which nevertheless existed) for birth control campaigns. Relations of the Roman Catholic Church with the state and with society at large were meanwhile affected, however, by new currents within the church itself. The movement of renewal and reform undertaken by the Second Vatican Council (1962–65) favoured mainstream Catholic teaching and practice at the expense of popular “folk Catholicism” yet led to a somewhat more tolerant approach toward other denominations. In addition, coinciding as it did with the impetus given to leftist movements by the Cuban Revolution, the call for renewal inspired an influential minority of priests and nuns to seek a synthesis of religious faith and political commitment under the banner of liberation theology. Some priests actually joined guerrilla bands, while others laboured to “raise the consciousness” of their flocks concerning social injustice. This brand of activism met with general disapproval from Latin American governments, especially military regimes, some of which brutally persecuted the clergy involved. It also divided the church, and without gaining the widespread popular allegiance that “liberationist” clergy had hoped for.
In the late 20th century the principal religious development was a rapid expansion of Protestantism, especially the Evangelical and Pentecostal churches. With a primary emphasis on individual spiritual improvement and salvation and a closeness between ministers and laity that neither traditional nor renewed Catholicism could match, the Protestants rapidly increased their numbers throughout Latin America. In countries as diverse as Brazil and Guatemala there were by the end of the century more Protestants than actively churchgoing Roman Catholics. Protestantism was not strong among traditional elites or in intellectual circles, but its adherents were beginning to attain positions of influence. One of them, General Efraín Ríos Montt, briefly served as military dictator of Guatemala (1982–83).
The Catholic Church in Latin America began with the Spanish colonization of the Americas and continues up to the present day.
In the later part of the 20th century, however, the rise of Liberation theology has challenged such close alliances between church and state. Pope Francis has embraced many elements of liberation theology, especially the dedication of the Church to the poor and marginalized. In comparison to Europe and other Western nations, the Catholic Church still has a major influence in Latin American society.
The vast majority of Latin Americans are Christians (90%), mostly Roman Catholics belonging to the Latin Church. About 70% of the Latin American population considers itself Catholic. In 2012 Latin America constitutes in absolute terms the second world’s largest Christian population, after Europe
A changing society
Despite the expansion (sometimes impressive, sometimes not) of the middle strata of Latin American society, by the late 20th century, progress toward reducing historically high levels of social inequality was disappointing almost everywhere save in communist Cuba. Also, the poorest countries of western Europe enjoyed greater per capita income than the wealthiest in Latin America. Yet, with regard to such social indicators as literacy and life expectancy, Costa Rica, Cuba, and the nations of the Southern Cone approximated the standards of the industrialized world, and, for Latin America as a whole, the lag was substantially less than in 1900 or 1950.
The rate of population growth, having peaked in the third quarter of the century, fell significantly with wide variations among countries. In parts of northern Latin America, a factor contributing to this decline was emigration to the more prosperous and politically stable United States, where large metropolitan centres—such as New York City, Los Angeles, and Miami—were home to large and growing Latin American communities. By the beginning of the 21st century, the population of Latin America and the Caribbean was more than 550 million, with about four-fifths of the population residing in urban areas. Latin America also contained two of the world’s largest metropolitan areas—Mexico City and São Paulo. The region’s principal cities grew more slowly than intermediate centres; in Venezuela, for example, Maracaibo and Valencia were expanding faster than Caracas. In the cities, where literacy and then access to television were nearly universal, people were exposed more and more quickly to new trends and ideas emanating from the United States or western Europe; to a lesser degree the same forces, and the continuing improvement of road transportation, were also decreasing the isolation of rural Latin Americans.
With social and economic modernization came changes, too, in gender relations. In most of Latin America women achieved full legal equality with men only gradually and usually later than winning the vote. In Argentina, for example, wives gained equal authority with husbands over minor-aged children only after the return of democracy in the 1980s. Traditions of patriarchy remained strong, and Latin American women’s groups were more prone than those in the United States or western Europe to exploit the symbolic discourse of motherhood in gaining their objectives. No significant number of women in this predominantly Roman Catholic region took up the cause of women’s ordination to the priesthood. As in most of the world, furthermore, equal pay for women remained elusive. Yet women did take advantage of increased educational and employment opportunities to gain more control of their lives. As many women as men were enrolled in secondary education, and the traditional alternatives for those women who chose or were obliged to work outside the home—e.g., domestic service and prostitution—had been supplemented by an array of clerical, professional, and light factory jobs. From the 1960s to the ’90s the proportion of women in the general labour force increased substantially. Falling birth rates likewise indicated that women were pursuing new options. The fact that domestic servants were still relatively inexpensive made it easier for middle- and upper-class women to pursue professional careers. Servants, however, were less inclined than they once were to accept their position as permanent; realistically or not, they dreamed of something better and to that extent epitomized a more general yearning for personal and social improvement that posed a challenge for all Latin American nations.
Ethnic minorities also sought greater opportunities and respect from society at large. Afro-Latin Americans increasingly questioned the long-accepted notion that racism did not exist in their countries and that such discrimination as existed was merely class-based; across Latin America, they formed social movements demanding their economic and political rights. In some countries, minority groups formed militant organizations. In Colombia, Afro-Latin Americans obtained rights to special legislative representation (as did Indian communities) in a new constitution in 1991. The peasant uprising in Chiapas, Mexico, was the best-known example of greater militancy among indigenous peoples. Yet even more striking was the appearance of a strong nationwide Indianist movement in Ecuador, which sought not only immediate improvements for Native Americans but also formal recognition that Ecuador was a multiethnic, multicultural nation. By the end of the 20th century, these Ecuadoran indigenous groups had already gained influence in national politics and demanded economic improvements. In 2000 a coup led by indigenous Indian leaders and military members briefly toppled the ruling government, removing the president from power. However, the coup leaders eventually agreed to let Vice President Gustavo Noboa Bejerano ascend to the presidency, which effectively ended the coup. This agreement emerged partly from military opposition of a junta-ruled government and also from the adamant refusal of the United States to accept a new government imposed by unconstitutional means. The last has not been heard from the indigenous movement in Ecuador—or elsewhere in Latin America.
3. Critically examine the cyclical pattern of the transition to democracy in Latin America.
Democracy has become a worldwide political system in which majority of the inhabitants of contemporary world want their state’s political authorities to adopt. Democracy is therefore seen as a solution to modern political problems. Nations across the globe have demonstrated tremendous efforts in their transition to democratic regime. According to Huntington, (1999), transition to democracy in the world happened in three main phases (waves). Mexico, Latin America, Africa and other developing countries fell under the third wave of democratization. Transition to democracy is basically referred to as the movement of states from authoritarian regimes to democratic regimes. Some states like Mexico had a peaceful transition, avoid of political or armed conflicts while others like Sierra Leone democracy was ignited by civil conflict and military intervention into the state’s political arena.
However, transition to democracy from authoritarian regimes in Mexico and other developing nations as in Africa, took a slow pace. This could be mainly due to the failure of leaders to lose their grip on political power to allow free and fair elections. Democracy can hardly succeed without periodic free and fair elections, through which states experience peaceful change of government base on the choice of the majority. The lack of free and fair elections is one of the major factors that deteriorated the process of democratization in Mexico, Latin America and other developing nations.
When the indigenous people took up the mantle of state’s power from their colonial masters in Latin America and other nations in the world, they promised to liberate their people from the socio-economic and political depressions and exploitations they faced during the era of colonial administrations. These leaders however deviated from these goals and resorted into enriching themselves and their supporters at the detriment of the masses. This was particularly so for the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico took up to seventy years in power which eventually delayed the nation attainment of full democracy. Similar events happened in other Africa where the one political party or leader stay in power for decades. Thereby delaying democratic dispensation. In Zimbabwe, for instance, the Mugabe has been in power since 1980, when the country gained independent. Shiaka P Steven’s APC party in Sierra Leone ruled over twenty years, Gadhafi in Libya rule over forty years and so on.
According to Magaloni B, (2005), the incumbent has lots of advantages over the opposition parties which make them continue their grip on power even when elections are held. The electoral body is always bias because the ruling party like PRI in Mexico control both the legislature and the executive and other state apparatus (military, police, vehicles and other national resources). It also determines electrical outcome. This was also a common feature of authoritarian regime in the Latin America and their Africa counterparts.
One thing I admire about the Mexican PRI long stay in power which make it different from the one party rule in Africa is that, the PRI didn’t constitutionally ban or systematic repress the opposition parties (Mogaolni. 2005). The opposition parties continued to peacefully contest elections until when the PRI was finally defeated in 2000. In Africa, elections during authoritarian regimes were characterized by violence and intimidation of the opposition parties. In Sierra Leone, several parliamentary candidates in the APC led elections in the 1970s and 1980s were declared unopposed in many polling stations across the country. Mugabe is well known for intimidating his opposition and the use of force to manipulate elections. The republic of Guinea, Nigeria, Congo and the likes share the same episode of electoral fraud and suppression of opposition. Some of the authoritarian regimes in Africa and Latin America were overthrown by the military who later handed power to democratically elected government. For example, Sierra Leone in Africa, Angola in Latin America etc. These states enacted multi party constitution which paved way for democracy.
Even though modernization, urbanization, liberalization of trade and economic development can enhance democratization (Lipset, 1959; Pzeworski et’al, 2000), institutions also provide the basis for the attainment such democracy (Magaloni, 2005). For example, the independent of electoral body in the through constitutional reform of 1994 in Mexico made the PRI the loose the 2000 elections as it provided no room for election manipulation by the incumbent. The constitution empowers the electoral body to conduct election without fair or favor. Also, the 1991 multi party constitution and subsequent constitutional reforms in Sierra Leone provided for the independent of election body. It has made ruling party to accept defeats in elections. For instance during the 2007 generations in Sierra Leone ruling SLPP party to the APC party. Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast was defeated in the 2011 election by the opposition. He too came to power after twenty 20 years of opposition.
Since gaining their independence at the beginning of the 19th century, the Latin American states have tried to establish democratic regimes. However, most of these efforts failed during the 19th century, in which dictatorships and oligarchic rule were the norm in the region. In his useful classification of electoral regimes in Latin America, Peter Smith distinguishes among electoral democracies, electoral semi-democracies, oligarchic republicanism, and nondemocracies (see Smith 2005, cited under Explaining Transitions to Democracy). Between 1900 and 1930 there were only three electoral democracies that lasted between one and fourteen years: Argentina (1916–1929), Mexico (1911–1913), and Uruguay (1919–1933). Between 1930 and 1975 there were processes of democratization and de-democratization in the whole region. The Latin American cases are a central contradiction to modernization theory, which connected the emergence of democracy with certain economic and social background conditions, such as high per capita income, widespread literacy, and prevalent urban residence. We saw the demise of democratic regimes in the most affluent countries of Latin America: Argentina in 1955, Brazil in 1954 and then again in 1964, Chile in 1973, and Uruguay in 1973. The last twenty years of the 20th century, however. saw important changes in the democratization processes of the region. Most of the nineteen Latin American countries experienced processes of electoral democratization. The literature on democratization in Latin America has followed a tendency in political science to emphasize the role of elites and pacts. In a way, as Nancy Bermeo (see Bermeo 2003, cited under Breakdown of Democracy) and Adam Przeworski have argued, the group of the Woodrow Wilson Center (see O’Donnell, et al. 1986, cited under Foundational Works) was not only analyzing the democratization process, but wanted to “stop the killings.” The most robust structuralist theory, that of Barrington Moore, Jr., on the origins of democracy, was not that promising. The most recent works on democracy and democratization in Latin America are trying to analyze both structure and agency in the processes of democratization.
4. What are the causes for the military intervention in Latin American politics?
5. Describe the theories of development applicable to Latin America.
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IGNOU MPSE 002 Solved Assignment 2022-23
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Write a short note on each part of the following questions in about 250 words.
6. a) Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America
b) Revolutionary movements in Latin America
7. a) Rise and fall of Pampas as a food basket for Europe
b) Regional integration in Latin America
9. a) Plantation economy in Trinidad
b) Simon Bolivar
10. a) Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua
b) Women’s movements in Latin America
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