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IGNOU EPS 11 Solved Assignment 2022-23

IGNOU EPS 11 Solved Assignment 2022-23 , EPS 11 POLITICAL IDEAS AND IDEOLOGIES Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free : EPS 11 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 , IGNOU EPS 11 Assignment 2022-23, EPS 11 Assignment 2022-23 , EPS 11 Assignment , EPS 11 POLITICAL IDEAS AND IDEOLOGIES Solved Assignment 2022-23 Download Free IGNOU Assignments 2022-23- BACHELOR OF ARTS Assignment 2022-23 Gandhi National Open University had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for BACHELOR OF ARTS Programme for the year 2022-23. IGNOU BDP stands for Bachelor’s Degree Program. Courses such as B.A., B.Com, and B.Sc comes under the BDP category. IGNOU BDP courses give students the freedom to choose any subject according to their preference.  Students are recommended to download their Assignments from this webpage itself. Study of Political Science is very important for every person because it is interrelated with the society and the molar values in today culture and society. IGNOU solved assignment 2022-23 ignou dece solved assignment 2022-23, ignou ma sociology assignment 2022-23 meg 10 solved assignment 2022-23 ts 6 solved assignment 2022-23 , meg solved assignment 2022-23 .

IGNOU EPS 11 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

All questions are compulsory.

Assignment – I

Answer the following in about 500 words each.

1. Discuss Ralph Miliband’s views on the state.

State, The: Overview

The concept of the state was central to the social sciences until temporarily displaced in the 1950s by a concept of the “political system” that is mainly associated with Talcott Parsons’s (1902–1979) systems analysis. Parsons’s sociology identified the political system with behaviors and institutions that provide a center of integration for all aspects of the social system. David Easton echoed Parsons by declaring that “neither the state nor power is a concept that serves to bring together political research” and instead defined the political system as “those interactions through which values are authoritatively allocated for a society” (p. 106). Systems analysis was tied closely to various theories of decision making, but most notably to pluralist theory, which viewed decision making as the outcome of peaceful bargaining between interest groups in society. Pluralist theory implicitly assumed that key sources of power such as wealth, force, status, and knowledge, if not equally distributed, are at least widely diffused among a plurality of competing groups in society.

Return to the State

A return to the state in political science, sociology, and history was launched by the publication of Nicos Poulantzas’s Pouvoir politique et classes sociales (1968; Political power and social classes) and Ralph Miliband’s The State in Capitalist Society (1969), which directly challenged pluralist theory and systems analysis. The worldwide political rebellions of 1968 called into question the dominant assumptions of an academic social science that presumed the existence of pluralism and system equilibrium as the basis of the political system. Miliband and Poulantzas both drew on a radical tradition identified with the writings of Karl Marx (1818–1883), Friedrich Engels (1820–1895), V. I. Lenin (Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov; 1870–1924), and Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937) and considered a theory of the state anchored in this tradition to be the main alternative to the dominant social science. Their works were highly influential. At the height of his popularity in the mid-1970s, Miliband was one of the leading political scientists in the English-speaking world. Nicos Poulantzas was arguably the most influential political theorist in the world, with works that influenced scholars in Europe, North America, and Latin America.

Instrumentalism and Structuralism

Miliband’s writings are most notable for reestablishing an instrumentalist theory of the state, which was subsequently adopted by many scholars conducting research on political institutions and public policy. Prior to Miliband, the instrumentalist theory of the state had been articulated cryptically by Paul Sweezy, who asserted the state is “an instrument in the hands of the ruling class for enforcing and guaranteeing the stability of the class structure itself” (p. 243). Miliband identifies the ruling class of a capitalist society as “that class which owns and controls the means of production and which is able, by virtue of the economic power thus conferred upon it, to use the state as its instrument for the domination of society” (p. 23). Both authors trace this concept of the state to Marx’s famous dictum in The Communist Manifesto that “the executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” Miliband identified the chief deficiency of Marxist political theory as the fact that nearly all Marxists had been content to assert this general thesis as more or less self-evident, but without proving it. Thus, Miliband’s main objective in renewing state theory was “to confront the question of the state in the light of the concrete socio-economic and political and cultural reality of actual capitalist societies” (p. 6). Miliband suggests that Marx provided a conceptual foundation for the socioeconomic analysis of capitalist societies, Lenin provided guidance for a political analysis, and Gramsci supplied the conceptual apparatus for a cultural and ideological analysis of capitalist societies. Miliband was convinced that the central thesis and conceptual structure of Marxist political theory was effectively in place and therefore what Marxist political theory needed was more empirical and historical analysis to give concrete content to this thesis and its associated concepts.

The state, as Miliband conceives it, does not exist as such, but is a conceptual reference point that “stands for … a number of particular institutions which, together, constitute its reality, and which interact as parts of what may be called the state system” (p. 49). This state system is actually composed of five elements that are each identified with a cluster of particular institutions, including:

  1. The governmental apparatus, which consists of elected legislative and executive authorities at the national level, which make state policy;
  2. The administrative apparatus, consisting of the civil service bureaucracy, public corporations, central banks, and regulatory commissions, which regulate economic, social, cultural, and other activities;
  3. The coercive apparatus, consisting of the military, paramilitary, police, and intelligence agencies, which together are concerned with the deployment and management of violence;
  4. The judicial apparatus, which includes courts, the legal profession, jails and prisons, and other components of the criminal justice system;
  5. The subcentral governments, such as states, provinces, or departments, counties, municipal governments, and special districts.

One of the most direct indicators of ruling-class domination of the state is the degree to which members of the capitalist class control the state apparatus through interlocking positions in the governmental, administrative, coercive, and other apparatuses. Miliband emphasizes that: “It is these institutions in which ‘state power’ lies, and it is through them that this power is wielded in its different manifestations by the people who occupy the leading positions in each of these institutions” (p. 54). A similar concept of the state was also adopted by many non-Marxists, such as G. William Domhoff, who proposed a power structure theory of how “the owners and managers of large banks and corporations dominate the United States” (p. xi). Although indebted to Marx’s writings, Miliband was also aware that Marx “never attempted a systematic study of the state” (p. 5) comparable to the one conducted by Miliband, but instead left a collection of political writings that are unsystematic, fragmentary, and sometimes self-contradictory.

This ambiguity in Marx’s work quickly led to a disagreement with Nicos Poulantzas, who became the leading spokesperson for a structuralist theory of the state. Poulantzas claims that the basic structure of the capitalist mode of production generates contradictory class practices and crisis tendencies that inexorably disrupt the capitalist system at the economic, political, and ideological levels. These crisis tendencies and contradictions necessitate a separate structure to specifically maintain and restore its equilibrium as a system. Although Poulantzas modified systems analysis by introducing class conflict as a disequilibrating mechanism, he was nevertheless clearly indebted to the American functionalists and systems theorists in arguing that the general function of the state in the capitalist mode of production is its function as “the regulating factor of its global equilibrium as a system” (p. 45).

Whereas Miliband articulates an institutionalist conception of power, Poulantzas articulates a functionalist conception of power anchored by the methodological assumptions of structural functionalism. In direct contrast to Miliband, Poulantzas draws a sharp analytic distinction between the concepts of state power and the state apparatus. Poulantzas defines the state apparatus as: “(a) The place of the state in the ensemble of the structures of a social formation,” that is, the state’s functions and “(b) The personnel of the state, the ranks of the administration, bureaucracy, army, etc.” (p. 116). The state apparatus is a unity of the effects of state power (i.e., policies) and the network of institutions and personnel through which the state function is executed. Poulantzas emphasizes the functional unity between state power and the state apparatus with the observation “that structure is not the simple principle of organization which is exterior to the institution: the structure is present in an allusive and inverted form in the institution itself” (p. 115, fn. 24).

Poulantzas defines state power as the capacity of a social class to realize its objective interests through the state apparatus. Bob Jessop observes that within this framework “state power is capitalist to the extent that it creates, maintains, or restores the conditions required for capital accumulation in a given situation and it is non-capitalist to the extent these conditions are not realised” (p. 221). In structuralist theory, the objective effects of state policies on capital accumulation and the class structure are the main objective indicators of state power.

Poulantzas’s well-publicized methodological differences with Miliband were deeply influenced by the French structuralist philosopher Louis Althusser, but like Miliband, he also claims to draw on the work of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Gramsci and “to provide a systematic political theory by elucidating implicit ideas and axioms in their practical writings” (pp. 1, 42). Yet, while Miliband placed Marx and Engels’s Communist Manifesto at the center of his political theory, Poulantzas identifies Capital as “the major theoretical work of Marxism” (p. 20). The chief difficulty in designating Capital as Marx’s central theoretical treatise is that it is an unfinished work with no theory of social class and no theory of the state, but a text that is rife with lacunae, omissions, and stated intentions never fulfilled in fact, particularly in its latter volumes.

2. Examine the nature of early Indian political thought.

Jewish History in India

Though distinct, Jews blended in by adopting traditional Indian attire

How long have Jewish communities been in India?  The Times of Israel recently published an article highlighting that after ’27 centuries’ Jews from the tribe of Manasseh (Bnei Menashe) are returning to Israel from Mizoram.  That puts their ancestors originally arriving here around 700 B.C.  Their Telugu-speaking cousins from the Jewish tribe of Ephraim living in Andhra Pradesh (the Bene Ephraim) have a collective memory of being in India more than 1000 years, after wandering through Persia, Afghanistan, Tibet, and then China.  In Kerala, the Cochin Jews have been living there nearly 2600 years.  Over the centuries Jews formed small but distinct communities across India.  But now they are leaving India for Israel.

Abraham: The Jewish Family Begins

The timeline starts with Abraham. He was given a promise of nations and had encounters with God ending in the symbolic sacrifice of his son Isaac.  This was a sign pointing to Jesus (Yeshu Satsang) by marking the future location of his sacrifice.  Isaac’s son was named Israel by God.  The timeline continues in green when Israel’s descendants were slaves in Egypt. This period started when Joseph, son of Israel (the genealogy was: Abraham -> Isaac -> Israel (also known as Jacob) -> Joseph), led the Israelites to Egypt, where later on they were enslaved.

Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt with the Passover Plague, which destroyed Egypt and freed the Israelites from Egypt into the land of Israel.  Before he died, Moses pronounced Blessings and Curses on the Israelites (when the timeline goes from green to yellow).  They would be Blessed if they obeyed God, but Cursed if they did not.  Israel’s history was bound to these Blessings & Curses ever after.Moses: The Israelites become a Nation under God

For several hundred years the Israelites lived in their land but they did not have a King, nor did they have the capital city of Jerusalem – it belonged to other people in this time. However, around 1000 BC this changed with King David.

David establishes a Royal Dynasty at Jerusalem

David conquered Jerusalem and made it his capital city. He received the promise of a coming ‘Christ’ and from that time on the Jewish people waited for the ‘Christ’ to come.  His son Solomon, rich and famous, succeeded him and built the First Jewish Temple on Mount Moriah in Jerusalem. The descendants of King David continued to rule for about 400 years and this period is shown in aqua-blue (1000 – 600 BC).  This was the period of Israelite glory – they had the promised Blessings.  They were a powerful nation; had an advanced society, culture, and their Temple. But the Old Testament also describes their growing corruption during this time.  Many prophets in this period warned the Israelites that the Curses of Moses would come on them if they did not change. These warnings were ignored.  During this time the Israelites divided into two separate kingdoms: the northern Kingdom of Israel or Ephraim, and the southern Kingdom of Judah (like Koreans today, one people split in two countries – North and South Korea).

The First Jewish Exile: Assyria & Babylon

Finally, in two stages the Curses came upon them. The Assyrians in 722 BC destroyed the Northern Kingdom and sent those Israelites into mass deportation across their vast empire.  The Bnei Menashe in Mizoram and the Bene Ephraim in Andhra Pradesh are descendants of those deported Israelites.  Then in 586 BC Nebuchadnezzar, a powerful Babylonian King came – just like Moses had predicted 900 years before when he wrote in his Curse:

The Lord will bring a nation against you from far away … a fierce-looking nation without respect for the old or pity for the young. … They will besiege all the cities throughout the land. (Deuteronomy 28: 49-52)

Nebuchadnezzar conquered Jerusalem, burned it, and destroyed the Temple that Solomon had built. He then exiled the Israelites to Babylon. This fulfilled the predictions of Moses that

You will be uprooted from the land you are entering to possess. Then the Lord will scatter you among all nations, from one end of the earth to the other. (Deuteronomy 28:63-64)

The Jews of Cochin in Kerala are descendants of these exiled Israelites.  For 70 years, the period shown in red, these Israelites (or Jews as they were now called) were exiled outside the land promised to Abraham and his descendants.

Jew’s Contribution to Indian Society

We pick up the question of writing which emerged in India.  The modern languages of India including Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Gujarati, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam and Tamil as well as ancient Sanskrit in which the Rg Vedas and other classical literature was written are classified as Brahmic scripts since they all descend from an ancestral script known as Brahmi script.  Brahmi script today is only seen in a few ancient monuments from the Ashoka Emperor period.

Though it is understood how the Brahmi script changed into these modern scripts, what is not clear is how India first adopted the Brahmi script.  Scholars note that the Brahmi script is related to the Hebrew-Phoenician script, which was the script used by the Jews of Israel in the period of their exiles and migration to India.  Historian Dr. Avigdor Shachan (1) proposes that the exiled Israelites who settled in India brought the Hebrew-Phoenician with them – which became the Brahmi script.  This also solves the mystery of how the Brahmi script got its name.  Is it just coincidence that the Brahmi script appears in North India at the same time when the Jews settled there in exile from their ancestral land, the land of Abraham?  The natives who adopted the script of Abraham’s descendants called it the (A)brahamin script.  Abraham’s religion was belief in one God whose role is not limited.  He is first, last, and eternal.  Perhaps this is where the belief in Brahman also arose, from the religion of (A)braham’s people. The Jews, in bringing their script and religion to India, shaped its thought and history more fundamentally than the many invaders who sought to conquer and rule her.  And the Hebrew Vedas, originally in Hebrew-Phoenician/Brahmi script, has its theme of the Coming One, in common with the Sanskrit Rg Vedas theme of Coming Purusa.

But we return to the history of the Jews in the Middle East after their exile from their ancestral land.

Return from Exile under the Persians

In 539 BC, the Persian Emperor Cyrus conquered Babylon and he became the most powerful person in the world. Cyrus permitted the Jews to return to their land.

However they were no longer an independent country, they were now a province in the Persian Empire.  This continued for 200 years and is in pink in the timeline. During this time the Jewish Temple (known as the 2nd Temple) and the city of Jerusalem were rebuilt.  Though Jews were allowed to return to Israel, many remained abroad in exile.

The Period of the Greeks

Alexander the Great conquered the Persian Empire and made Israel a province in the Greek Empire for another 200 years. This is shown in dark blue.

Then the Romans defeated the Greek Empires and they became the dominant world power. The Jews again became a province in this Empire and it is shown in light yellow. This is the time when Jesus lived.  This explains why there are Roman soldiers in the gospels – because the Romans ruled the Jews in Israel during the life of Jesus.The Period of the Romans

The Second Jewish exile under the Romans

From the time of the Babylonians (586 BC) the Jews had not been independent as under the Kings of David. They were ruled by other Empires, similar to how the British ruled India before independence.  The Jews resented this and they revolted against Roman rule. The Romans came and destroyed Jerusalem (70 AD), burned down the 2nd Temple, and deported the Jews as slaves across the Roman Empire. This was the second Jewish exile. Since Rome was so big the Jews were eventually scattered around the whole world.

Assignment – II

Answer the following questions in about 250 words each.

3. Distinguish between state and other institutions.

4. Write a note on power theory.

5. What is direct democracy? Explain.

6. Elaborate upon the individualist conception of the self.

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Assignment – III

Answer the following questions in about 100 words each.

7. Globalisation and culture

8. Western context of secularism

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