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IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

Answer the following in about 500 words each in Section A. Each question carry 20 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in Section B. Each question carry 10 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in Section C. Each question carry 6 marks.

SECTION A


1. Discuss the evolution of local Self-government in India.

Evolution of Local Self Government

The village panchayat originated as local self-government during the British era as a response to requests for local autonomy. They distributed power to citizens at the lowest levels of government. The Government of India Act of 1935 also gives provinces the power to pass legislation. Despite the presence of local self-government in India, the writers of the constitutions were dissatisfied with the existing laws. In addition to this, they added Article 40, enabling states to create self-governing bodies in the form of village panchayats.

From 1957 through 1986, four significant committees were formed and worked on to conceptualise India’s local self-government system. Therefore, it will be beneficial to have an overview of the four committees and their major recommendations mentioned below.

Committee of Balwant Mehta Committee in 1957

The Indian government originally created the committee to look into the workings of two of the country’s previous projects. It published its report in November 1957, where the phrase ‘democratic decentralisation’ initially appeared. Rajasthan was the first state to adopt the recommendations of this committee in 1959. The important recommendations of this committee were:

  • Formation of a Panchayati Raj system with a three-tier governance model. The model shall comprise Gram panchayats in villages, Panchayat Samitis in blocks, and Zila Parishad in districts
  • The chairperson of the Zila Parishad will be the District Collector
  • It is necessary to ensure the transfer of resources and power to these bodies

Committee of Ashok Mehta in 1977-1978

The then-Janata government formed the committee to examine Panchayat institutions. But unfortunately, the Janata administration fell apart before these suggestions could be implemented.

The following are the most important of the 132 recommendations given by it:

  • A two-tier structure will replace the three-tier structure
  • Political organisations should take part in elections at all administration levels
  • These institutions will be given mandatory taxing powers
  • At the state level, the Zila Parishad will be administering the planning
  • The state council of ministers will designate a minister for local self-government
  • PRIs would be given constitutional recognition

Committee of GVK Rao in 1985

The planning commission appointed the committee in 1985. The committee stated that the development methods were increasingly being removed from local self-government organisations, resulting in a system with no roots. The major recommendations of this committee were:

  • The Zila Parishad will be prioritised, and all development activities in this level shall be delegated to it
  • The position of DDC will be created and will serve as the Zilla Parishad’s top executive officer
  • Elections will be held regularly

Committee of LM Singhvi in 1986

The government of Rajiv Gandhi formed this committee to advise on the development of Panchayats and their institutions. As a result, the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts, 1992, were passed during the Narasimha Rao government, making the vision a reality. Among its key suggestions are:

  • Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) are given constitutional legitimacy
  • PRI should have a 3-tier system at village level, block level and district level
  • For groups of villages, Nyaya Panchayats would be established

Advantages of Local Self-government

  • People’s problems are solved at the grassroots level by local self-government. The local self-government is responsible for various necessities such as road building and maintenance, water availability, school construction, and so on
  • In local self-government, the people have more decision-making power over their problems
  • The people who live in the area have the finest suggestions for how and where money should be spent on development
  • The local government is best suited to deal with any problem or issue in a specific area

All India Institute of Local Self-government (AIILSG)

The India Institute of Local Self-Government (AIILSG), founded in 1926, has been a faithful friend, philosopher, and guide to Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) throughout the country. It has contributed to the concepts and practice of urban governance, teaching, research, and capacity building for more than eight decades. It has devised and developed a wide range of training literature and courses and has trained over 1.5 million people in various aspects of urban governance and service delivery.

Conclusion

The local self-government system is considered one of the major governance processes India has seen. It is a functional institution that governs most of the villages in India at the grass-root level. A few major committees played a vital role in the evolution of local self-government in our country. It functions locally, which is not feasible for the state-level government. However, this system is also imperfect like most other systems worldwide. Local self-government often faces the issues of corruption, lack of funds, and maladministration. To address such problems, the government has introduced many schemes to uplift rural areas in the country. 


2. Examine the relationship between the federal government and sub-regional
autonomy movements in India.

INTRODUCTION

Jammu and Kashmir is a heterogeneous state with varied geographical regions and sub-regions, representing different climates, flora and fauna. People possess different ethnic backgrounds, profess different faiths, follow different cultural traditions and speak different languages. What is more significant is that people living in these regions are yet to attain a uniform level of development. The internal politics of the state, marked by inter – regional tensions, has influenced the attitude of the people on the question of their external affiliations. In each of the three regions of the state, a different attitude to the question of accession can be clearly noticed from the very day of the state’s accession with India.

Before independence, inter- regional and interreligious tensions became pronounced immediately after Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh were welded into a single political entity with full backing from the colonial supremacy. As the Dogra rulers were fundamentally despotic, feudal and sectarian, the people of the State, particularly Muslims, got alienated and fought against the Dogra domination which culminated in the termination of Dogra Raj in 1947. However, till date the Dogras did not compromise with this, what they regarded humiliation to their collective pride. It is not therefore surprising that they harbour the dreams of carving out a separate state for Jammu and the anti-Kashmiri sentiment has become a fertile ground for ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ of Hindutva forces. But this sentiment is restricted among the Hindu populated areas of the Jammu province. In fact, they demand sub-regional autonomy to safeguard their political, cultural and economic interests from the monopolistic political tradition. Similarly in Kashmir, the political leaders both extremist and mainstream have totally failed to accommodate the minority aspirations of the other two regions and to form a single state. This led to the estrangement demands from the other two regions- Jammu and Ladakh. Since independence, the regional demands from Jammu were in the form of demand for abrogation of Article 370 and the slogan of “Ek Desh Mai Do Pradhan, Do Vidhan, Do Nishan Nahi Chaleyga Nahi Chalega” (in a single nation, the two presidents, two states and two symbols cannot be tolerated in any how). This voice has become louder again with the eruption of land controversy over the Amarnath land issue in Jammu, an agitation sponsored by Hindutva forces in August 2008. While in Kashmir, the Extremist groups took the stand and thus the two communities again got alienated.

Last twenty years of political uncertainty in Jammu and Kashmir have created regional tensions at large. Of late, these tensions have created impressions that the state may soon fall apart. More painful is the fact that these differences have sharpened the communal divide. Amaranth land row in 2008, stands as an example of intolerance that the two main regions of Kashmir and Jammu have imbibed over a period. This divide was not only confined to these regions but has taken over the whole politics of the state up to the district level. It is true that some rulers from the Kashmir region in the past have not acted according to the needs and aspirations of some of the people of Jammu and Ladakh. However, it is also true that Jammu and Ladakh regions always have had New Delhi’s political and administrative favours on their side. New Delhi’s such proximity and special favour to Jammu and Ladakh have bred feelings of psychological and political siege among Kashmir’s civil society and political leadership. This feeling is reinforced with each passing day. Whenever there is a movement against Kashmir, the agitator would often allege that people of both Jammu and Ladakh regions do not receive any fair and equitable treatment. They insist that the Government should ensure a sense of equality among the people of three regions and the existing regional identities should be maintained and kept intact. Therefore, the entire fabric of politics in the state has been mainly based on two issues; the relationship between the Kashmir valley and the centre on the one hand and the relationship between the Kashmir valley, Jammu and Ladakh regions within on the other. As Hari Om says, “A sort of local nationalism had developed in all the three regions of the state”. The unsettled nature of the political status of Jammu and Kashmir is a reality.

The massive exploitation of its resources by New Delhi and to some extent by Islamabad has enlarged the debate on political justice in the state. However, the discourse on regional, sub-regional and ethnic identities is a new construct that has served two purposes. First, it has created a ‘complex’ issue out of a simple issue of self-determination of this former princely state. Secondly, it has sought to create an aggressor out of the victim- the Muslims of the J&K state. The result is tragic, as today almost all the communities in the state are up in arms against each other-making use of regional, sub-regional and ethnic identity cards to promote their economic interests. Notwithstanding that decolonization and partition of British India into the nation states of India and Pakistan have been at the root of the most entrenched political problems in the Indian sub-continent. The eruption of militancy in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, besides the other causes, is an offshoot of undemocratic and inexpedient policies of the Indian political leadership towards the state. Both the principles of democracy as well as that of political expediency were relegated to the background. Groups like Jamaat-e-Islami even decided (in the early 1970s) to contest elections so that they could articulate their demands as elected representatives. Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the hard-line separatist leader, himself was elected to the State Assembly as a candidate from the Muttahida Muslim Mahaz (The Muslim United Front) in 1987.The election proved to be a turning point in the history of the Kashmiris Struggle for self-determination.

The Muslim United Front was poised to win the elections by a considerable majority but this election was sabotaged by the Government of India, which feared that Muslim United Front would refuse to toe its line if it came to power.3 The widespread rigging of this election in Jammu and Kashmir (as well as previous ones) and the indiscriminate arrests and brutal treatment of Muslim United Front workers and candidates mobilized the Kashmiris, “that peaceful methods of democracy to articulate their grievances would never work due to Indian intransigence”. Thus, the people of Kashmir started perceiving that a truly democratic government will never come to power in the state, for such a government reflecting the genuine aspirations of the majority of the people of Jammu and Kashmir would advocate the state’s separate identity from India. Thus, it was in 1989 that some Kashmiri youth joined the existing club of those who adopted militant path with the perception to force the Indian government to allow the people of Jammu and Kashmir to determine their own political future.5The insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir has extracted an enormous price from the people of the state and was fuelled by the systematic erosion of democratic as well as human rights. Thus the militancy in the State of Jammu and Kashmir can be explicated to this background of historical distrust that has secluded the relationship between the State of Jammu and Kashmir and India.

SECTION B 


1. Examine the relationship between migration and globalization.
2. Explain the various approaches to the study of state politics in India.
3. Discuss the political ideology of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) Party.


SECTION C


1. Write a brief note on Chipko Movement.
2. Explain the Residuary powers of legislation.
3. Briefly discuss the Punjab Model of Development.
4. Discuss the Kerala Model of Development.
5. Write a brief note on the Marxian framework.


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IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
  2. Write your enrolment number, name, full address and date on the top right corner of the first page of your response sheet(s).
  3. Write the course title, assignment number and the name of the study centre you are attached to in the centre of the first page of your response sheet(s).
  4. Use only foolscap size paperfor your response and tag all the pages carefully
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IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-23 You will find it useful to keep the following points in mind:

  1. Planning: Read the questions carefully. IGNOU BPSE 143 Assignment 2022-23 Download Free Download PDF Go through the units on which they are based. Make some points regarding each question and then rearrange these in a logical order. And please write the answers in your own words. Do not reproduce passages from the units.
  2. Organisation: Be a little more selective and analytic before drawing up a rough outline of your answer. In an essay-type question, give adequate attention to your introduction and conclusion. IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free Download PDF The introduction must offer your brief interpretation of the question and how you propose to develop it. The conclusion must summarise your response to the question. In the course of your answer, you may like to make references to other texts or critics as this will add some depth to your analysis.
  3. Presentation: IGNOU BPSE 143 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free Download PDF Once you are satisfied with your answers, you can write down the final version for submission, writing each answer neatly and underlining the points you wish to emphasize.

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