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IGNOU BPSE 142 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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IGNOU BPSE 142 Solved Assignment 2022-23

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Submission Date :

  • 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
  • 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).

Answer the following in about 500 words each in Section A. Each question carry 20 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in Section B. Each question carry 10 marks.

Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in Section C. Each question carry 6 marks.

SECTION A


1. Does Indian foreign policy reflect its desire to be an important regional/global power? Examine it.

Introduction

The past decade or so has seen lively debate and a growing literature on regional powers in International Relations (IRs). Building on earlier contributions that considered the attributes of ‘middle’ and ‘regional great powers’ (Wight, 1979; Holbraad, 1984; Neumann, 1992), there have been sophisticated efforts to further unpack and conceptualise regional powers. These include setting-up the criteria and framework for what makes a regional power (Nolte, 2010) creating typologies (Prys, 2012) and theorising variance in the strategies they employ vis-à-vis other neighbouring states (Destradi, 2010). This body of scholarship, identified as the ‘Regional Power’ (RP) programme in IR, has facilitated awareness and reflection within the discipline to shift from its approach of analysing regions—and regional powers—through the primary lens of great power politics, or coming at them from the outside-in. In paying serious attention to local context and the relevance of a ‘regional level of analysis’, it has demonstrated the importance of inside-out and bottom-up approaches to regional powerhood, sharing some of the wider ambitions of the international regionalism programme. Yet, despite the progress made, as this special issue acknowledges, questions remain about the scope and domain of regional powers and more needs to be done to update and refine the existing work to reflect how such states fit into the new realities of power in a fast-evolving and ever more complex multipolar order, one in which dominant ordering or balance of power understandings have been unsettled. In a world of ‘new’ and rising powers (Narlikar, 2013; Hameiri et al., 2020), it is evident that power has been shifting from the Western core (Ikenberry, 2014; Khong, 2019). It is important to reflect on whether the RP programme has adequately captured that shift and is fully representative of the new power dynamics underpinning world politics.While acknowledging that regional power concept retains utility, this paper contends that it needs to further develop its analysis, particularly of how regional powers creatively engage and interact not only within their ‘regions’ but how that also informs their strategies at the global level making them effectively, more than just ‘regional’ powers. Through the illustrative cases of India and Iran, we advocate a revisionist perspective to advance and refine the prevailing understanding of regional powers. Rather than examining regional power behaviour within given ‘regions’ or at the ‘regional level of analysis’ (Buzan and Wæver, 2003), our approach encourages studying interactions at the nexus of the regional and global levels of analysis (Alagappa, 2006). One particular feature emphasised is the notion of status at the global level: particularly how regional powers mobilise regions to inform their wider status claims. Our approach also examines the nexus historically. In doing so, it not only maps how status concerns evolve across time, but also how conceptions of ‘regions and regional spaces’ also shift and fluctuate to meet such concerns. We do not take regions as geographic givens but consider the processes within which they are framed. In discussing the Indian case, we trace how, since its independence in 1947, its framings of its ‘region’ have included ‘Asia’, ‘South Asia’, ‘Asia–Pacific’ and most recently the ‘Indo-Pacific’. Iran, for its part, has framed its region to include both parts of the Middle East as well as the adjoining regions of Central and Southwest Asia. While these regional frames have coexisted and competed in India’s and Iran’s regional imagination, we provide a long durée analysis of the moments in which these spaces were dominantly used and mobilised in their claims to higher status.In the following sections, the paper first reviews the recent engagement with the regional–global nexus in the regional power literature and demonstrates how we address some of its limitations via a revisionist framework. It then explores that framework through the cases of India and Iran. We demonstrate how, in both cases, regions—variously conceived—have historically informed their global ambitions. The paper concludes by discussing the cases in parallel and showing how their interactions at the regional–global nexus unsettle prevailing understandings of regional powers and hierarchy in mainstream IR.

Regional powers and the regional–global nexus

Drawing on Muttiah Alagappa’s (2006) vision of the concept, Brian Job (2009, p. 42) noted that the regional–global nexus ‘captures the ideational and physical phenomena that are central in shaping the dynamics of intra-regional behaviour and that spills over across regional and global levels’. This is partly because, ‘the notions of region, regionalism and regionalisation are dynamic and involve a blending of top-down and bottom-up interaction between actors across levels of analysis’ (ibid). The RP programme has, of course, taken note of the regional–global nexus, and it has featured into its (re)definition of regional powers. While distinguishing their characteristics from those of ‘middle powers’, Nolte (2010, pp. 889–890), for instance, describes regional powers as ‘the nodes between the global and the regional power hierarchies’. Hurrell (2010, p. 17) similarly argues that ‘regional powers cannot be understood unless they are viewed within a global context’. Yet, barring some exceptions (Prys, 2013; Mesquita and Seabra, 2020), regional powers’ global interactions remain under-theorised in the literature. The tendency is still to see how global influences impact upon regional powers rather than vice versa (Østerud, 1992, p. 1).This is unsurprising, given that mainstream IR theories have long privileged the global through their study and emphasis on the concept of ‘great powers’ (Bull, 1977; Levy, 1983). This approach informed a research agenda that accorded great powers tremendous sway in determining dynamics at the regional level, with rather little said about the internal dynamics of regions and the role that dominant states within them had in shaping of the regional order (Destradi, 2010). In correcting this imbalance, the RP programme, therefore, has sought to emphasise the importance of evaluating regions on their own merits and attributes, and, unseating the USA as the ‘only regional hegemon in modern history’ (Mearsheimer, 2001).In making a strong case for a regional level of analysis as a framework for understanding and comparing regional powers, the programme predominantly looked inwards and investigated regional powers and their behaviours within their given regions. In those cases where it did examine the regional–global nexus, there has been a tendency to emphasise the constraints rather than the opportunities that regional powers encounter when they seek to project themselves globally. Scholars have discussed the challenges of regional power duality, where their regional roles and global aspirations can result in tensions and contradictions (Prys, 2012, p. 91) sometimes leading to the preferred option of ‘disentangling’ themselves from its regional problems in order to stake a solid claim to global standing (Basrur, 2010, p. 267). In this way, discussion on the regional–global nexus often focuses on the trade-offs, the tough decisions, the leapfrogging where regional powers would have to ‘go global or go home’ (Mesquita and Seabra, 2020).Without challenging the notion that there are numerous ways in which regions exercise a constraining influence on regional powers’ global aspirations (Hurrell, 2006, p. 9), we seek rather to place emphasis on the important moments in which regions themselves can inform global aspirations. The core idea here is that regional powers can mobilise discourses and practices on or about their regions as part of a wider effort to project themselves on a global canvas—a canvas they also seek to influence. This, for instance, is reflected in the priorities of post-colonial India in the 1940s attempting to represent the people of ‘Asia’ to claim a greater say in the making of a post-war world, or the notion of ‘Eurasia’ and a ‘Eurasian Union’ in Putin’s Russia as part of its rejection of a post-Cold War world centred on American unipolarity (Duncan, 2016). Similarly, while Iran, before the revolution, sought to portray itself as a leading, Western-aligned power, after the revolution it projected itself variously as a leading Islamic and ‘revisionist’ anti-imperial state both within the Middle East and beyond (Fawcett, 2015).

2. How does political leadership of a state affect its foreign policy. Explain with reference of India.

Foreign policy bears resemblance with the views of political elites of a country. Initially, Pt. Nehru’s personality had a significant influence on the formulation and implementation of India’s foreign policy. He wanted to project himself as a champion of world peace so he gave an ideal content to the country’s foreign policy.

a. It is in this context that Nehru always desired peace not merely as an ideal but also as an essential condition for its own security. According to Pt. Nehru, peace for India was not ‘Specific Neutralism’ but an active positive approach towards international relations and problems, leading to the easing of tensions by means of resolving disputes.

b. Being the chief architect of India’s foreign policy, Pt Nehru’s ideology guided India’s foreign policy principles. We may give an example of how Pt. Nehru aptly remarked that anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism are the kernels of India’s foreign policy and, accordingly, conducted external relations. For instance, India openly supported the anti-colonial movement in many parts of Asia and Africa. India also raised its voice against Pakistan when latter was trying to crush the people of Bangladesh in 1971.

c. This is one of the main characteristics of India’s foreign policy. NAM was a reaction to the cold war politics, whereby newly independent countries decided not to align themselves with either of the blocs and not become part of their arms race. They instead decided to help in reducing the tensed atmosphere.

d. The Panchsheel agreement signed with China in 1954 has been reiterated time and again. It also regulates India’s relations with other countries.

e. It was after the Chinese aggression in 1962 that the foreign policy of India was given a pragmatic approach as a result of which, it could fight thee war with Pakistan. Apart from Nehru, India’s foreign policy has also been influenced by Sardar Patel, Gandhi, Krishna Menon and Mrs. Indira Gandhi.


SECTION B 


1. What are the main features of Indian foreign Policy?
2. Highlight important changes in India Foreign policy since 1991.
3. Describe the nature of India Foreign policy during the Cold War.


SECTION C


1. Describe the main goals of India’s Foreign Policy.
2. Why India did not sign the Nuclear Non –Proliferation Treaty?
3. What was Afro -Asian Unity?
4. The Panchsheel Agreement
5. The Tashkent Agreement


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IGNOU Instructions for the BPSE 142 INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN A GLOBALISING
WOLRD
Solved Assignment 2022-23

IGNOU BPSE 142 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free  Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.

  1. Read the detailed instructions about the assignment given in the Handbook and Programme Guide.
  2. Write your enrolment number, name, full address and date on the top right corner of the first page of your response sheet(s).
  3. Write the course title, assignment number and the name of the study centre you are attached to in the centre of the first page of your response sheet(s).
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