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IGNOU BPSC 107 Solved Assignment 2022-2023
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Important Note – IGNOU BPSC 107 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free You may be aware that you need to submit your assignments before you can appear for the Term End Exams. Please remember to keep a copy of your completed assignment, just in case the one you submitted is lost in transit.
Submission Date :
- 31st March 2033 (if enrolled in the July 2033 Session)
- 30th Sept, 2033 (if enrolled in the January 2033 session).
There are three Sections in the Assignment. You have to answer all questions in the
Answer the following in about 500 words each in section I and Each question carries 20 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 250 words each in section II and Each question carries 10 marks.
Answer the following questions in about 100 words each in section III and Each question carries 6 marks
SECTION – I
Q.1. Critically examine the important undergoing structural changes in global politics
and international relations.
Structures, institutions, and levels of analysis
Since the 1970s the study of international relations has been marked by a renewed debate about the relationship between structures and institutions in international systems. On one side of the controversy was a revival of the school of realism, known as neorealism, which emerged with the publication of Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics in 1979. Neorealism represented an effort to inject greater precision, or conceptual rigour, into realist theory. While retaining power as a central explanatory notion, Waltz’s neorealism also incorporated the idea of structure as it is reflected in alliances and other cooperative arrangements among states of varying sizes, strengths, and capabilities. A bipolar system, for example, is a structure in which two states are dominant and the remaining states are allied with one or the other dominant state. According to Waltz and other neorealists, the structure of the international system limits the foreign-policy options available to states and influences international institutions in important ways. The United Nations (UN), for example, mirrors the structure of the existing international system insofar as it is dominated by leading powers such as the permanent members of the Security Council. Changes in international structure, including the rise of new powers, eventually lead to changes within international institutions. Thus, some neorealists have suggested that the Security Council’s permanent membership will eventually be expanded to include countries such as Germany, India, Japan, and others.
On the other side of the structures-institutions debate have been the neoliberal institutionalists, who contend that institutions matter beyond simply reflecting or codifying the power structure of the international system. Although neoliberal institutionalists accept the realist conception of states as the principal actors in a fundamentally anarchic environment, they argue that state behaviour can be modified by interaction with international institutions such as the European Union (EU), NATO, the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the UN. Such interaction, they contend, reduces the long-term potential for international conflict.
Although neorealist structuralists and neoliberal institutionalists generally agree that international cooperation is possible, neorealists are much more skeptical of its chances for long-term success. According to neorealist logic, NATO should have dissolved in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the bipolar structure that had led to its formation. Instead, NATO was transformed in the decade following the end of the Cold War, taking on new tasks and responsibilities. This contradiction may be apparent, however, only because such adaptation can be viewed as reinforcing the neorealist thesis that institutions reflect the existing international structure: when that structure changes, they must change accordingly if they are to survive. Thus, NATO was able to survive because it underwent a transformation. At the same time, NATO’s adaptation reflects the neoliberal-institutionalist contention that international organizations can modify national interests through the process of cooperation. Thus, NATO countries have altered their policies to take account of the needs of other members, and potential members have undergone rigorous internal reform in order to qualify for membership. Consequently, each theory appears to offer useful insights, and both together can form the basis of a unified approach to the relationship between structures and institutions.
In the late 20th century the study of international relations was increasingly influenced by constructivism. According to this approach, the behaviour of humans is determined by their identity, which itself is shaped by society’s values, history, practices, and institutions. Constructivists hold that all institutions, including the state, are socially constructed, in the sense that they reflect an “intersubjective consensus” of shared beliefs about political practice, acceptable social behaviour, and values. In much the same way, the individual members of the state or other unit continuously construct the reality about which policy decisions, including decisions about war and peace and conflict and cooperation, are made.
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Q.2. Describe the key challenges in transformation of the United Nations and its role in the non –traditional security threats and threats of nuclear non–proliferations in international relations.
THE CHANGING NATURE OF THREATS TO INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
In the third edition of The Charter of the United Nations: A Commentary, edited by Bruno Simma and others, the authors refer to the report of the former SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan “In Larger Freedom: Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All”, noting that “the threats to peace and security in the twenty-first century include not just international war and conflict, but civil violence, organized crime, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. They also include poverty, deadly infectious disease, and environmental degradation since these can have equally catastrophic consequences. All of these threats can cause death or lessen life chances on a large scale. All of them can undermine States as the basic unit of the international system”.
The term “international security”, in turn, they continue, requires “a transformation of international relations so that every State is assured that peace will not be broken, or at least that any breach of the peace will be limited in its impact. International security implies the right of every State to take advantage of any relevant security system, while also implying the legal obligations of every State to support such systems”. The General Assembly, the authors further noted, “has stated that national and international security has become increasingly interrelated, which accordingly makes it necessary for States to approach international security in a comprehensive and cooperative manner”.
The authors commented: “Traditionally, the concept of international security was perceived as primarily a problem of State security. Within recent years, however, an additional concept has emerged—that of human security, acknowledging that threats cannot only come from States and non-State actors, hut can also exist to the security of both States and the people.”
They proceeded to point out that “International security can he promoted and achieved through various policies or measures, two of which are referred to in para 1 [of Article 1 of the Charter], namely measures of collective security and adjustment or settlement of international disputes…. [I]nternational peace and security may Be endangered not only by acts of aggression, but also by any other threat to the peace.”
What do the changing threats to international security signify for the future of international law and order? Nick Butler of the Policy Institute at King’s College London explored these issues in “Action on Climate Change Is Self-defence Not Altruism”, published in the Financial Times on 20 October 2015. He reported that, in the middle of October that year, at the École Militaire in Paris, military and civilian leaders debated the risks and the defence and security implications of climate change at a seminar organized jointly by the French Senate and the Defence Ministry. Many of the risks were well-known—such as the possibility of desertification in particular regions, or water shortages leading to inadequate harvests and a lack of food supplies, and on the other hand, the prospect of floods or sudden surges in temperature; and the risk of diseases and epidemics spread by dirty water.
Climate “change”, the article commented, sounded too mild a description and implied a gradual, linear shift over decades to a temperature 2˚C higher than we are used to. The more likely reality, however, is climate disruption—erratic shifts in one direction or another. These raised the need for what the French call “green defence”. The changing climate would drive even more people to migrate. Epidemics can spread rapidly in an age of global travel and trade. “In these circumstances it is hard to see how national and European security can he preserved without active intervention to deal with the problems at source. That means that European and possibly other countries will have to put people on the ground, and invest seriously in a process of development that helps to manage each of the risks and encourages the local population to stay instead of migrating”.
The French, Butler added, “are right to see the challenges associated with climate change as issues not just of energy policy and environmental protection but also as major defence and security challenges.”6
FUTURE CHALLENGES OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION
A month before Nick Butler’s article on “green defence” was published, Martin Rees, the British Astronomer Royal, wrote an opinion piece entitled “Scientists and Politicians Alike Must Rally to Protect Life on Earth” for the Financial Times.7 The author warned: “Heat stress will most hurt those without air conditioning, crop failure will most affect those who already struggle to afford food, extreme weather events will most endanger those whose homes are fragile…Climate change is aggravating a collapse in biodiversity that could eventually he comparable to the five mass extinction events in Earth’s history. We are destroying the hook of life before we have read it….To design wise policies, we need all the efforts of scientists, economists and technologists, and the best knowledge that the 21st century can offer. But to implement them successfully, we need the full commitment of political leaders and the full support of the voting public.”
On 2 February 2011, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon delivered the fourth Cyril Foster lecture at Oxford University on the topic, “Human Protection and the 21st Century United Nations”. He noted that “the founders of the United Nations understood that sovereignty confers responsibility, a responsibility to ensure protection of human beings from want, from war, and from repression. When that responsibility is not discharged, the international community is morally obliged to consider its duty to act in the service of human protection.”
“The task of human protection”, he acknowledged, “is neither simple nor easy. We don’t always succeed. But we must keep trying to make a difference. That is our individual and collective responsibility. People like myself, as Secretary-General, and the leaders of the world have a moral and political responsibility to protect populations.” He continued: “The challenges facing us have changed, but our core responsibility to maintain international peace and security has not. Slowly but surely, sometimes by trial and error, we have learned to use the instruments available under the Charter in new ways, adapting to evolving circumstances. Through this evolution, the need to operationalize a concept of human protection has emerged.” “Undoubtedly”, the Secretary-General acknowledged, “the UN needs to perform its protection duties more effectively….The best form of protection is prevention. Prevention saves lives as well as resources.”
“Beyond the immediate protection agenda”, he continued, “the United Nations was addressing the ‘creeping vulnerabilities’. They also put populations at risk and weaken societies, and also plant the seeds of violence and conflict: water scarcity, food insecurity, corruption, transnational crimes, the effects of climate change. Often, this impact of climate change, water scarcity, has become the source of conflict, regional conflict, very serious regional conflict. So it is not surprising that these human security issues are finding their way onto our peacebuilding agenda, and specifically that ofthe Peacebuilding Commission.”
“The UN”, he acknowledged, “recognizes that human protection stands at the centre of both its purposes and principles.”
The United Nations will have to change its approaches dramatically if it is to rise to the challenges of international protection. This will require great daring. In his acclaimed book, World Order, Henry Kissinger observed that “the idea that … countries will identify violations of peace identically and be prepared to act in common against them is belied by the experience of history…. Collective security has repeatedly revealed itself to be unworkable in situations that most seriously threaten international peace and security”. He asked the question, “Were the rules and principles themselves the international order, or were they a scaffolding on top of geopolitical structure capable of—indeed requiring—more sophisticated management?”
Kissinger did not factor into his thinking the evolving challenges of international security and of human protection. The contemporary and future threats to international security and the challenges of international protection are such that even the mighty powers will have to recognize that United Nations action is necessary to save humanity and its habitat.
We shall need to turn to the United Nations as a system of public order, as advocated by the late Ian Brownlie:
“The design of the United Nations constitutes a comprehensive public order system. In spite of the weakness involved in multilateral decision-making, the assumption is that the Organization has a monopoly on the use of force, and a primary responsibility for enforcement action to deal with breaches of the peace, threats to the peace or acts of aggression. Individual Member States have the exceptional right of individual or collective self-defence. In the case of regional organizations the power of enforcement action is in certain conditions delegated by the Security Council to the organizations concerned.
SECTION – II
1. Major changes and challenges of the Post–Cold War order in international relations.
2. Critically examine the effects of decolonization on world politics.
3. What are the feminist perspectives of theories of international relations?
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SECTION – II
1. Significance of Critical theory in International Relations
2. Basic assumptions of realism and neorealism
3. International Liberalism
4. E. H Carr’s critique of idealism
5. The Neo-Neo debates in International Relations.
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IGNOU BPSC 107 Solved Assignment 2022-2023 Download Free Before attempting the assignment, please read the following instructions carefully.
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